Alexander Yakovlev

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For other individuals with the same name, see Alexander Yakovlev (disambiguation).
Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev
Александр Яковлев
Александр Яковлев (cropped).jpg
Head of the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In office
5 July 1985 – March 1986
Succeeded byYuri Sklyarov
Full member of the 27th Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In office
26 June 1987 – 14 July 1990
Member of the 27th Secretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In office
6 March 1986 – 14 July 1990
Soviet Union Ambassador to Canada
In office
1 June 1973 – 29 October 1983
PremierAlexei Kosygin
Nikolai Tikhonov
Preceded by [ru]
Succeeded byAleksei A. Rodionov
Personal details
Born(1923-12-02)2 December 1923
Krasnyye Tkachi, Korolyovo, Yaroslavl Oblast, Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, Soviet Union
Died18 October 2005(2005-10-18) (aged 81)
Moscow, Russia
NationalitySoviet and Russian
Political partyCommunist Party of the Soviet Union (1944–1991)
Russian Party of Social Democracy (1995–2002)
Signature

Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev (Russian: Алекса́ндр Никола́евич Я́ковлев; 2 December 1923 – 18 October 2005) was a Soviet and Russian politician and historian. During the 1980s he was a member of the Politburo and Secretariat of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He was called the "godfather of glasnost"[1] as he is considered to be the intellectual force behind Mikhail Gorbachev's reform program of glasnost and perestroika.

Yakovlev was the first Soviet politician to acknowledge the existence of the secret protocols of the 1939 Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact with Nazi Germany.

Early career[]

The first child of five, Yakovlev was born to a peasant family in a tiny village, Korolevo, on the Volga River, near Yaroslavl. He had four sisters, two of whom died in infancy. His father Nikolai Alekseevich only attended school for four years and his mother Agafiia Mikhailovna, a nursemaid, for three months. Yakovlev was sickly in childhood and suffered from scrofula. His father served in the Red Cavalry during the Civil War and was fully committed to the Communist regime; he became the first chairman of a local collective farm. Their house was set ablaze while he was seven and the family moved to Krasnye Tkachi.

Yakovlev graduated from secondary school days before Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union. He was drafted into the Red Army in November 1941, with brief training, and was promoted to lieutenant in a rifle platoon during the War. He served as a platoon commander in Volkhov Front. On August 6, 1942, he was leading 30 Chuvash peasants and was ordered to charge German positions in Vinyagolovo near Leningrad and was badly wounded.[2] He was hospitalized until March 1943, and almost required an amputation, but was saved at the last moment. He became a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1944. At this time he regarded the Communist Party as "life's truth" and affirmed he was totally loyal and faithful to Soviet Union, and he was an ardent admirer of Stalin.

In September 1945, he resumed education at the  [ru] to study history. On September 8, 1945, he married Nina Ivanovna Smirnova. He graduated the same year and went to Moscow to attend the Higher Party School. In November 1946, he was appointed the instructor of the Department of Propaganda and Agitation in Yaroslavl, a post he held for a year and a half. Shortly after this, he had his first doubts about the regime, when he was shocked to see train after train carrying Soviet ex-prisoners-of-war being sent to labor camps. At the Vspolye train station, he saw weeping women and was dismayed at how they were treated. This memory troubled him deeply and never left him.

In March 1953, shortly after Stalin's death, he was assigned to the party's Central Committee as an instructor in the department of schools. On February 25, 1956, Khrushchev's Secret Speech became the most traumatic event in Yakovlev's early Moscow life; he listened to the speaker from the balcony in the Large Kremlin Palace. After the 20th Party Congress, Yakovlev lost his previous enthusiasm for Communism and led a double life. He wanted to turn to the original sources on Communism—Marx, Engels, Lenin, German philosophers, French and Italian socialists and British economists. He asked to leave the Central Committee to enroll in the Academy of Social Sciences of the Central Committee. While twice refused, he was finally allowed to study there for two years and became convinced that Marxism-Leninism was hollow, impractical, and inhumane, as well as a prognostic fraud. This healed his internal political conflict following the 20th Party Congress. He began to agree with Khrushchev.[citation needed]

Beginning in 1958, he was chosen as a Fulbright exchange student at Columbia University in the United States for one year.[3] Of the seventeen Soviet students, fourteen were selected by the KGB. Yakovlev and three others, all[ambiguous] KGB personnel, including Oleg Kalugin, went to Columbia. He studied intensively the English language, Roosevelt and the New Deal, drawing connections between the US at that time and the USSR. At the end, in May 1959, the Soviet visitors were taken on a thirty-day tour of the US, during which he stayed with US families from Vermont, Chicago and Iowa. As a result, he began to view perestroika as a USSR-version of the New Deal to save communism, as Roosevelt had saved capitalism. However, his year in America did little to assuage his anti-Americanism because of the greed, racism, and other things that he witnessed.

Yakovlev returned to the Central Committee to work on ideology and propaganda, and published several anti-American books. He defended a dissertation dealing with the historiography of US foreign policy, and received the degree of kandidat nauk, the equivalent of a doctorate, in July 1960. In July 1965, he was appointed the first deputy head of the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU by Leonid Brezhnev. In August 1968, Yakovlev was sent to Prague as the representative of CPSU Central Committee, and witnessed the entry of tanks into the city. He later spoke out against removing Dubcek. That same year, he was placed in command of a group charged with drafting the new constitution. Yakovlev served as editor of several party publications and rose to the key position of head of the CPSU's Department of Ideology and Propaganda from 1969 to 1973. In January 1970, he visited the US again and met Ronald Reagan, Henry Kissinger, and Jane Fonda, who warned him that Moscow "did not appreciate the full danger of American militarism". This trip, again, failed to change his unfavorable impression with US.

In 1972, he took a bold stand by publishing the article entitled "Against Antihistoricism"[4] in Literaturnaya Gazeta, critical of Russian nationalism, and nationalism in the Soviet Union in general. As a result, he was removed from his position. Given the choice of a diplomatic post as exile, he chose to be the ambassador to Canada, remaining at that post for a decade.[3] He arrived in Canada in July 1973.

During this time, he and Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau became close friends. Trudeau's second son, Alexandre Trudeau, was given the Russian nickname "Sacha" after Yakovlev's.[citation needed]

From May 16 to 23, 1983, Yakovlev accompanied Mikhail Gorbachev, who at the time was the Soviet official in charge of agriculture, on his tour of Canada. The purpose of the visit was to tour Canadian farms and agricultural institutions in the hopes of taking lessons that could be applied in the Soviet Union. However, the two also renewed their earlier friendship and, tentatively at first, began to discuss the prospect of liberalisation in the Soviet Union.

In an interview years later, Yakovlev recalled:

At first we kind of sniffed around each other and our conversations didn't touch on serious issues. And then, verily, history plays tricks on one, we had a lot of time together as guests of then Liberal Minister of Agriculture Eugene Whelan in Canada who, himself, was too late for the reception because he was stuck with some striking farmers somewhere. So we took a long walk on that Minister's farm and, as it often happens, both of us suddenly were just kind of flooded and let go. I somehow, for some reason, threw caution to the wind and started telling him about what I considered to be utter stupidities in the area of foreign affairs, especially about those SS-20 missiles that were being stationed in Europe and a lot of other things. And he did the same thing. We were completely frank. He frankly talked about the problems in the internal situation in Russia. He was saying that under these conditions, the conditions of dictatorship and absence of freedom, the country would simply perish. So it was at that time, during our three-hour conversation, almost as if our heads were knocked together, that we poured it all out and during that three-hour conversation we actually came to agreement on all our main points.[5]

Two weeks after the visit, as a result of Gorbachev's interventions, Yakovlev was recalled from Canada by Yuri Andropov and became Director of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Moscow on August 16, 1983; he was succeeded by his friend Yevgeny Primakov in 1985. Although he was impressed with Canada's free, competitive economy—especially in agriculture, the weakest part for the USSR—and the benefits of rule of law, Yakovlev published a booklet called Poor Santa Claus, or the Police Eye of Democracy allegedly exposing Canadian totalitarian practices under the pseudonym N. Agashin. It described how capitalism created "its sanitary serve - a system of repression, intimidation and terror", how it "brainwashed its citizens", how the United States "tyrannized its neighbor", and that Canada was really a totalitarian police state with a democratic façade.

Perestroika and its aftermath[]

Mikhail Gorbachev and Yakovlev opposite George H. W. Bush on board the SS Maxim Gorkiy at the Malta Summit in 1989.
Yakovlev as the head of the Commission on the Rehabilitation of Soviet Repression Victims meets President Vladimir Putin

When Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1985, Yakovlev became a senior advisor, helping to shape Soviet foreign policy by advocating Soviet non-intervention in Eastern Europe, and accompanying Gorbachev on his five summit meetings with President of the United States Ronald Reagan. In the summer of 1985, Yakovlev became head of the propaganda department of the CPSU Central Committee. Domestically, he argued in favor of the reform programs that became known as glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) and played a key role in executing those policies.

After the XX Congress, in an ultra-narrow circle of our closest friends and associates, we often discussed the problems of democratization of the country and society. We chose a simple - like a sledgehammer - method of propagating the "ideas" of late Lenin. A group of true, not imaginary reformers developed (of course, orally) the following plan: to strike with the authority of Lenin at Stalin, at Stalinism. And then, if successful, - to strike with Plekhanov and Social Democracy - at Lenin, and then – with liberalism and "moral socialism" - at revolutionarism in general... The Soviet totalitarian regime could be destroyed only through glasnost and totalitarian party discipline, while hiding behind the interests of improving socialism. [...] Looking back, I can proudly say that a clever, but very simple tactic - the mechanisms of totalitarianism against the system of totalitarianism – has worked.[6]

— Yakovlev, in the introduction to "Black Book of Communism"

In 1987, the Russian nationalist organization Pamyat sent a letter entitled "Stop Yakovlev!" to the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, labelling Yakovlev as the main instigator of a course of action that would lead to the 'capitulation before the imperialists'.[7]

For decades, it was the official policy of the Soviet Union to deny the existence of the secret protocol to the Nazi–Soviet Pact. At the behest of Mikhail Gorbachev, Yakovlev headed a commission investigating the existence of such a protocol. In December 1989 Yakovlev concluded that the protocol had existed and revealed his findings to the Soviet Parliament. As a result, the first multi-party elected Congress of Soviets since 1918 "passed the declaration admitting the existence of the secret protocols, condemning and denouncing them".[8]

He was promoted to the Politburo in 1987, but by 1990 he had become the focus of attacks by hardliner communists in the party opposed to liberalization. At the 28th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in July 1990, a cynical Alexander Lebed caused uproar when he asked Yakovlev: "Alexander Nikolaevich... How many faces have you got?" An embarrassed Yakovlev consulted his colleagues and continued on with the proceedings, but resigned from the Politburo the day after the congress concluded.[9][10] As the communists opposed to liberalization gained strength, his position became more tenuous; fiercely attacked by his former protégé Gennady Zyuganov in May 1991, he resigned from the Party two days before the August Coup in 1991. During the coup, Yakovlev joined the democratic opposition against it. Following the failed coup attempt, Yakovlev blamed Gorbachev for having been naïve in bringing the plotters into his inner circle, saying Gorbachev was "guilty of forming a team of traitors. Why did he surround himself with people capable of treason?"[11]

In his book Inside the Stalin Archives (2008), Jonathan Brent relates that in 1991, when there were Lithuanian crowds demonstrating for independence from the Soviet Union, Gorbachev consulted Yakovlev about the wisdom of an armed repression against them. Gorbachev asked, "Should we shoot?" Yakovlev answered that, "if a single Soviet soldier fired a single bullet on the unarmed crowds, Soviet power would be over." Soviet troops did intervene militarily in an attempt to suppress the demonstrations, and the USSR collapsed seven months later.[12]

Yakovlev led Boris Yeltsin's commission for the rehabilitation of victims of Soviet political repression.[13]

In the years following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Yakovlev wrote and lectured extensively on history, politics and economics. He acted as the leader of the Russian Party of Social Democracy, which in the mid-1990s fused into the United Democrats (a pro-reform alliance that was later reorganized into the Union of Right Forces). In 2002, acting as head of the Presidential Committee for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Political Repression, he was present at the announcement of the release of a CD detailing names and short biographies of the victims of Soviet purges. In his later life, he founded and led the International Democracy Foundation. He advocated taking responsibility for the past crimes of communism and was critical of President Vladimir Putin's restrictions on democracy.

In 2000, he publicly alleged that Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg, who became famous for his role in saving thousands of Hungarian Jews from the Holocaust, was shot and killed in Soviet secret police headquarters in 1947.[citation needed] He was called "God's commie" in a 2002 article for investigating crimes of the Soviet state.[14]

Honours and awards[]

Publications[]

  • Alexander N. Yakovlev and Abel G. Aganbegyan, Perestroika, 1989, Scribner (1989), trade paperback, ISBN 0-684-19117-2
  • Alexander Yakovlev, USSR the Decisive Years, First Glance Books (1991), hardcover, ISBN 1-55013-410-8
  • Alexander Yakovlev, translated by Catherine A. Fitzpatrick, The Fate of Marxism in Russia, Yale University Press (1993), hardcover, ISBN 0-300-05365-7; trade paperback, Lightning Source, UK, Ltd. (17 November 2004) ISBN 0-300-10540-1
  • Alexander N. Yakovlev, foreword by Paul Hollander, translated by Anthony Austin, Century of Violence in Soviet Russia, Yale University Press (2002), hardcover, 254 pages, ISBN 0-300-08760-8; trade paperback, Yale University Press (2002), 272 pages, ISBN 0-300-10322-0
  • A. N. Yakovlev, Горькая чаша (Bitter Cup), Yaroslavl, 1994.
  • A. N. Yakovlev, Сумерки (Time of Darkness - lit. "Dusk"), Moscow, 2003, 688 pages, ISBN 5-85646-097-9
  • Alexander N. Yakovlev, Digging Out: How Russia Liberated Itself from the Soviet Union, Encounter Books (December 1, 2004), hardcover, 375 pages, ISBN 1-59403-055-3

See also[]

  • Joseph S. Nye, Jr., former dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, considers Yakovlev's story a prime example of the importance of soft power in resolving international conflicts, such as, in Yakovlev's case, the Cold War.[15]

References[]

  1. ^ "Alexander Yakovlev, 81". The Globe and Mail. Toronto. Archived from the original on 2005-10-20. Retrieved 24 May 2013.
  2. ^ Walker, Martin (2009-01-25). "Paper Trail". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-03-27.
  3. ^ Jump up to: a b Keller, Bill. "Moscow's other Mastermind: Aleksandr Yakovlev", New York Times Magazine, February 19, 1989, pp.30-33, 40-43. ISSN 0362-4331.
  4. ^ Александр Яковлев Против антиисторизма Archived 2015-12-05 at the Wayback Machine - Литературная газета», 15 ноября 1972 г
  5. ^ "Shaping Russia's Transformation: A Leader of Perestroika Looks Back - Interview with Aleksandr Yakovlev". Institute of International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. November 21, 1996. Retrieved February 21, 2013.
  6. ^ "ЧЕРНАЯ КНИГА КОММУНИЗМА". agitclub.ru. Archived from the original on 2020-11-04.
  7. ^ «Остановите Яковлева!» Листовка—обращение Координационного Совета Патриотического Движения «Память» к Пленуму Центрального Комитета Коммунистической Партии Советского Союза
  8. ^ Jerzy W. Borejsza, Klaus Ziemer, Magdalena Hułas. Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes in Europe, p. 521. Berghahn Books, 2006.
  9. ^ Times Wire Services. "Six Quitting the Politburo: Exits Laid to Lessening of Party's Role". 3 July 1990.
  10. ^ Tom Carver (1996-11-16). "General in Exile". Assignment. 45 minutes in. BBC2.
  11. ^ globeandmail.com by Vladimir Isachenkov. Retrieved 2005-10-18
  12. ^ Jonathan Brent. Inside the Stalin Archives. Discovering the New Russia. Atlas & Co., 2008 (ISBN 0-9777433-3-0) reviewed by Martin Walker in Paper Trail The New York Times, January 23, 2009.
  13. ^ "Obituary: A. Yakovlev, champion of Soviet change, 81". The New York Times. October 18, 2005. ISSN 0362-4331.
  14. ^ Pryce-Jones, David (2002). "God's Commie: The ongoing achievement of Alexander Yakovlev". National Review. 54 (24): 24–26.
  15. ^ "Joseph Nye Testifies Before Congress on U.S. Security Strategy Post-9/11". John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. 6 November 2007. Archived from the original on 5 July 2008.

Further reading[]

  • Christopher Shulgan, The Soviet Ambassador: The Making of the Radical Behind Perestroika, McClelland and Stewart (June 10, 2008), Hardcover, ISBN 978-0-7710-7996-2 (0-7710-7996-6), 288 pages.
  • Richard Pipes, Alexander Yakovlev: The Man Whose Ideas Delivered Russia from Communism, NIU Press, 2017, ISBN 978-0-87580-748-5 151 pages.

External links[]

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