Henry Kissinger

Henry Kissinger

KCMG
Henry Kissinger; KCMG
	Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera in 2009
56th United States Secretary of State
	In office; September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977
President	Richard Nixon; Gerald Ford
Deputy	Kenneth Rush; Robert Ingersoll; Charles Robinson
Preceded by	William Rogers
Succeeded by	Cyrus Vance
8th United States National Security Advisor
	In office; January 20, 1969 – November 3, 1975
President	Richard Nixon; Gerald Ford
Deputy	Richard Allen; Alexander Haig; Brent Scowcroft
Preceded by	Walt Rostow
Succeeded by	Brent Scowcroft
President
show Further offices held
22nd Chancellor of the College of William & Mary
	In office; July 1, 2000 – October 1, 2005
President	Timothy J. Sullivan; Gene Nichol
Preceded by	Margaret Thatcher
Succeeded by	Sandra Day O'Connor
Chair of the 9/11 Commission
	In office; November 27, 2002 – December 14, 2002
President	George W. Bush
Deputy	George J. Mitchell; Lee H. Hamilton
Preceded by	Position established
Succeeded by	Thomas Kean
Personal details
Born	Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923 (age 98); Fürth, Bavaria, Weimar Republic (now Germany)
Political party	Republican
Spouse(s)	Ann Fleischer (m. 1949; div. 1964); Nancy Maginnes (m. 1974)
Children	2
Education	City College of New York; Harvard University; (AB, 1950; AM, 1951; PhD, 1954)
Civilian awards	Nobel Peace Prize
Signature
Military service
Allegiance	United States
Branch/service	U.S. Army
Years of service	1943–1946
Rank	Sergeant
Unit	84th Infantry Division; 970th Counter Intelligence Corps Detachment[citation needed]
Battles/wars	World War II Battle of the Bulge;
Military awards	Bronze Star

Henry Alfred Kissinger KCMG (/ˈkɪsɪndʒər/;^[2] German: [ˈkɪsɪŋɐ]; born Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923) is an American politician, diplomat, and geopolitical consultant who served as United States Secretary of State and National Security Advisor under the presidential administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford.^[3] A Jewish refugee who fled Nazi Germany with his family in 1938, he became National Security Advisor in 1969 and U.S. Secretary of State in 1973. For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in Vietnam, Kissinger received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize under controversial circumstances, with two members of the committee resigning in protest.^[4]

A practitioner of Realpolitik,^[5] Kissinger played a prominent role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, orchestrated the opening of relations with China, engaged in what became known as shuttle diplomacy in the Middle East to end the Yom Kippur War, and negotiated the Paris Peace Accords, ending American involvement in the Vietnam War. Kissinger has also been associated with such controversial policies as U.S. involvement in the 1973 Chilean military coup, a "green light" to Argentina's military junta for their Dirty War, and U.S. support for Pakistan during the Bangladesh War despite the genocide being perpetrated by his allies.^[6] After leaving government, he formed Kissinger Associates, an international geopolitical consulting firm. Kissinger has written over a dozen books on diplomatic history and international relations.

Kissinger remains a controversial and polarizing figure in U.S. politics, both condemned as an alleged war criminal by many journalists, political activists, and human rights lawyers,^[5]^[7]^[8] and venerated as a highly effective U.S. Secretary of State by many prominent international relations scholars.^[9] With the death of centenarian George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger is the oldest living former U.S. Cabinet member and the last surviving member of Nixon's Cabinet.^[10]

Early life and education

Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany, in 1923 to a German-Jewish family.^[11] His father Louis Kissinger (1887–1982) was a schoolteacher. His mother Paula (Stern) Kissinger (1901–1998), from Leutershausen, was a homemaker. His brother, Walter Kissinger, born in 1924, died in 2021 at 96. The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb, after the Bavarian spa town of Bad Kissingen.^[12] In his youth, Kissinger enjoyed playing soccer. He played for the youth team of SpVgg Fürth, which was one of the nation's best clubs at the time.^[13]

In 1938, when Kissinger was 15 years old, he and his family fled Germany as a result of Nazi persecution. During Nazi rule Kissinger and his friends were regularly harassed and beaten by Hitler Youth gangs.^[14] Kissinger sometimes defied the segregation imposed by Nazi racial laws by sneaking into soccer stadiums to watch matches, often resulting in beatings from security guards.^[15]^[14] As a result of the Nazis' anti-Semitic laws Kissinger was unable to gain admittance to the Gymnasium, while his father was dismissed from his teaching job.^[14]^[16] The family briefly emigrated to London before arriving in New York City on September 5. Kissinger later downplayed the influence his experiences of Nazi persecution had on his policies, writing "Germany of my youth had a great deal of order and very little justice; it was not the sort of place likely to inspire devotion to order in the abstract." However many scholars, including Kissinger's biographer Walter Isaacson, have disagreed and argued that his experiences influenced the formation of his realist approach to foreign policy.^[17]

Kissinger spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of Upper Manhattan as part of the German Jewish immigrant community that resided there at the time. Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced German accent, due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak.^[18]^[19] After his first year at George Washington High School, he began attending school at night and worked in a shaving brush factory during the day.^[18]

Following high school, Kissinger enrolled in the City College of New York, studying accounting. He excelled academically as a part-time student, continuing to work while enrolled. His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the US Army.^[20]

Army experience

Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina. On June 19, 1943, while stationed in South Carolina, at the age of 20 years, he became a naturalized U.S. citizen. The army sent him to study engineering at Lafayette College, Pennsylvania, but the program was canceled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the 84th Infantry Division. There, he made the acquaintance of Fritz Kraemer, a fellow immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect, and arranged for him to be assigned to the military intelligence section of the division. Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the Battle of the Bulge.^[21]

During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, only a private, was put in charge of the administration of the city of Krefeld, owing to a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff. Within eight days he had established a civilian administration.^[22] Kissinger was then reassigned to the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC), where he became a CIC Special Agent holding the enlisted rank of sergeant. He was given charge of a team in Hanover assigned to tracking down Gestapo officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the Bronze Star.^[23] In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of the Bensheim metro CIC detachment, Bergstrasse district of Hesse, with responsibility for de-Nazification of the district. Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command.^[24]

In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at Camp King and, as a civilian employee following his separation from the army, continued to serve in this role.^[25]^[26]

Academic career

Portrait of Kissinger as a Harvard senior in 1950

Henry Kissinger received his AB degree summa cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa^[27] in political science from Harvard College in 1950, where he lived in Adams House and studied under William Yandell Elliott.^[28] His senior undergraduate thesis, titled The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant, was over 400 pages long, and was the origin of the current limit on length (35,000 words).^[29]^[30]^[31] He received his MA and PhD degrees at Harvard University in 1951 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still a graduate student at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the Psychological Strategy Board, ^[32] and founded a magazine, Confluence.^[33] At that time, he sought to work as a spy for the FBI.^[33]^[34]

His doctoral dissertation was titled Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich).^[35] In his PhD dissertation, Kissinger first introduced the concept of "legitimacy",^[36] which he defined as: "Legitimacy as used here should not be confused with justice. It means no more than an international agreement about the nature of workable arrangements and about the permissible aims and methods of foreign policy".^[37] An international order accepted by all of the major powers is "legitimate" whereas an international order not accepted by one or more of the great powers is "revolutionary" and hence dangerous.^[37] Thus, when after the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the leaders of Britain, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia agreed to co-operate in the Concert of Europe to preserve the peace, in Kissinger's viewpoint this international system was "legitimate" because it was accepted by the leaders of all five of the Great Powers of Europe. Notably, Kissinger's primat der aussenpolitik approach to diplomacy took it for granted that as long as the decision-makers in the major states were willing to accept the international order, then it is "legitimate" with questions of public opinion and morality dismissed as irrelevant.^[37]

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government where he served as the director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.^[32] During 1955 and 1956, he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.^[38] The book, which criticized the Eisenhower Administration's "massive retaliation" nuclear doctrine, caused much controversy at the time by proposing the use of tactical nuclear weapons on a regular basis to win wars.^[39]

From 1956 to 1958, he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.^[32] He served as the director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. In 1958, he also co-founded the Center for International Affairs with Robert R. Bowie where he served as its associate director. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Department of State, and the RAND Corporation.^[32]

Keen to have a greater influence on U.S. foreign policy, Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of Nelson Rockefeller, supporting his bids for the Republican nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968.^[40] Kissinger first met Richard Nixon at a party hosted by Clare Booth Luce in 1967, saying that he found him more "thoughtful" than he expected.^[41] During the Republican primaries in 1968, Kissinger again served as the foreign policy adviser to Rockefeller and in July 1968 called Nixon "the most dangerous of all the men running to have as president".^[41] Initially upset when Nixon won the Republican nomination, the ambitious Kissinger soon changed his mind about Nixon and contacted a Nixon campaign aide, Richard Allen, to state he was willing to do anything to help Nixon win.^[42] After Nixon became president in January 1969, Kissinger was appointed as National Security Advisor.

Foreign policy

Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible as President Nixon looks on.

Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.^[43] With the death of George Shultz in February 2021, Kissinger is the last surviving member of the Nixon administration Cabinet.^[10]

The relationship between Nixon and Kissinger was unusually close, and has been compared to the relationships of Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, or Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins.^[44] In all three cases, the State Department was relegated to a backseat role in developing foreign policy.^[45] Kissinger and Nixon shared a penchant for secrecy and conducted numerous "backchannel" negotiations, such as that through the Soviet Ambassador to the United States, Anatoly Dobrynin, that excluded State Department experts. Historian David Rothkopf has looked at the personalities of Nixon and Kissinger, saying:

They were a fascinating pair. In a way, they complemented each other perfectly. Kissinger was the charming and worldly Mr. Outside who provided the grace and intellectual-establishment respectability that Nixon lacked, disdained and aspired to. Kissinger was an international citizen. Nixon very much a classic American. Kissinger had a worldview and a facility for adjusting it to meet the times, Nixon had pragmatism and a strategic vision that provided the foundations for their policies. Kissinger would, of course, say that he was not political like Nixon—but in fact he was just as political as Nixon, just as calculating, just as relentlessly ambitious ... these self-made men were driven as much by their need for approval and their neuroses as by their strengths.^[46]

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in US–Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment. He was jointly awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize with Lê Đức Thọ for helping to establish a ceasefire and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.^[47] Thọ declined to accept the award^[48] and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it - he donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony, and later offered to return his prize medal.^[40] As National Security Advisor, in 1974 Kissinger directed the much-debated National Security Study Memorandum 200.

Détente and opening to China

Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with China.

Kissinger initially had little interest in China when he began his work as National Security Adviser in 1969, and the driving force being the rapprochement with China was Nixon.^[49] In April 1970 both Nixon and Kissinger promised Chiang Ching-kuo, a leader in Taiwan, that they would never abandon Taiwan or make any compromises with Mao Zedong, although Nixon did speak vaguely of his wish to improve relations with the People's Republic.^[50]

Kissinger made two trips to China in July and October 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy.^[51] During his visit to Beijing, the main issue turned out to be Taiwan, as Zhou demanded the United States recognize that Taiwan was a legitimate part of China, pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, and end military support for the Kuomintang regime.^[52] Kissinger gave way by promising to pull U.S. forces out of Taiwan, saying two-thirds would be pulled out when the Vietnam war ended and the rest to be pulled out as Sino-American relations improved.^[53]

In October 1971, as Kissinger was making his second trip to the People's Republic, the issue of which Chinese government deserved to be represented in the United Nations came up again.^[54] Out of concern to not be seen abandoning an ally, the United States tried to promote a compromise under which both Chinese regimes would be UN members, although Kissinger called it "an essentially doomed rearguard action".^[55] While American ambassador to the UN George H. W. Bush was lobbying for the "two Chinas" formula, Kissinger was removing favorable references to Taiwan from a speech that Rogers was preparing, as he expected China to be expelled from the UN.^[56] During his second visit to Beijing, Kissinger told Zhou that according to a public opinion poll 62% of Americans wanted Taiwan to remain a UN member, and asked him to consider the "two Chinas" compromise to avoid offending American public opinion.^[57] Zhou responded with his claim that the People's Republic was the legitimate government of all China and no compromise was possible with the Taiwan issue.^[53] Kissinger said that the United States could not totally sever ties with Chiang, who had been an ally in World War II. Kissinger told Nixon that Bush was "too soft and not sophisticated" enough to properly represent the United States at the UN, and expressed no anger when the UN General Assembly voted to expel Taiwan and give China's seat on the UN Security Council to the People's Republic.^[53]

His trips paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of "liaison offices" in the Chinese and American capitals, though full normalization of relations with China would not occur until 1979.

Vietnam War

Kissinger and President Richard Nixon discussing the Vietnam situation in Camp David, 1972.

Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department. In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi.

When he came into office in 1969, Kissinger favored a negotiating strategy under which the United States and North Vietnam would sign an armistice and agreed to pull their troops out of South Vietnam while the South Vietnamese government and the Viet Cong were to agree to a coalition government.^[58] Kissinger had doubts about Nixon's theory of "linkage", believing that this would give the Soviet Union leverage over the United States and unlike Nixon was less concerned about the ultimate fate of South Vietnam.^[59] Though Kissinger did not regard South Vietnam as important in its own right, he believed it was necessary to support South Vietnam to maintain the United States as a global power, believing that none of America's allies would trust the United States if South Vietnam were abandoned too quickly.^[60]

In early 1969, Kissinger was opposed to the plans for Operation Menu, the bombing of Cambodia, fearing that Nixon was acting rashly with no plans for the diplomatic fall-out, but on March 16, 1969. Nixon announced the bombing would start the next day.^[61] As he saw the president was committed, he became more and more supportive.^[62] Kissinger would play a key role in bombing Cambodia to disrupt raids into South Vietnam from Cambodia, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Khmer Rouge targets in Cambodia.

The Paris peace talks had become stalemated by late 1969 owing to the obstructionism of the South Vietnamese delegation.^[63] The South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu did not want the United States to withdraw from Vietnam, and out of frustration with him, Kissinger decided to begin secret peace talks with Thọ in Paris parallel to the official talks that the South Vietnamese were unaware of.^[64]

In June 1971, Kissinger supported Nixon's effort to ban the Pentagon Papers saying the "hemorrhage of state secrets" to the media was making diplomacy impossible.^[65]

On August 1, 1972, Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris, and for first time, he seemed willing to compromise, saying that political and military terms of an armistice could be treated separately and hinted that his government was no longer willing to make the overthrow of Thiệu a precondition.^[66]

On the evening of October 8, 1972, at a secret meeting of Kissinger and Thọ in Paris came the decisive breakthrough in the talks.^[67] Thọ began with "a very realistic and very simple proposal" for a ceasefire that would see the Americans pull all their forces out of Vietnam in exchange for the release of all the POWs in North Vietnam.^[68] Kissinger accepted Thọ's offer as the best deal possible, saying that the "mutual withdrawal formula" had to be abandoned as it been "unobtainable through ten years of war ... We could not make it a condition for a final settlement. We had long passed that threshold".^[68]

In the fall of 1972, both Kissinger and Nixon were frustrated with Thiệu's refusal to accept any sort of peace deal calling for withdrawal of American forces.^[69] On October 21 Kissinger and the American ambassador Ellsworth Bunker arrived in Saigon to show Thiệu the peace agreement.^[69] Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement and demanded very extensive amendments that Kissinger reported to Nixon "verge on insanity".^[69]

Though Nixon had initially supported Kissinger against Thiệu, H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman urged him to reconsider, arguing that Thiệu's objections had merit.^[70] Nixon wanted 69 amendments to the draft peace agreement included in the final treaty, and ordered Kissinger back to Paris to force Thọ to accept them.^[70] Kissinger regarded Nixon's 69 amendments as "preposterous" as he knew Thọ would never accept them.^[70] As expected, Thọ refused to consider any of the 69 amendments, and on December 13, 1972, left Paris for Hanoi.^[71] Kissinger by this stage was worked up into a state of fury after Thọ walked out of the Paris talks and told Nixon: "They're just a bunch of shits. Tawdry, filthy shits".^[71]

On January 8, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ met again in Paris and the next day reached an agreement, which in main points was essentially the same as the one Nixon had rejected in October with only cosmetic concessions to the Americans.^[72] Thiệu once again rejected the peace agreement, only to receive an ultimatum from Nixon which caused Thiệu to reluctantly accept the peace agreement.^[73] On January 27, 1973, Kissinger and Thọ signed a peace agreement that called for the complete withdrawal of all U.S forces from Vietnam by March in exchange for North Vietnam freeing all the U.S POWs.^[73]

Along with Thọ, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam", signed the previous January.^[47] According to Irwin Abrams, this prize was the most controversial to date. For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize, two members left the Nobel Committee in protest.^[4]^[74] Thọ rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam.^[75] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility,"^[76]^[77] and "donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina."^[78] After the Fall of Saigon in 1975, Kissinger attempted to return the award.^[78]^[79]

By the summer of 1974, the U.S. embassy reported that morale in the ARVN had fallen to dangerously low levels and it was uncertain how much longer South Vietnam would last.^[80] In August 1974, Congress passed a bill limiting American aid to South Vietnam to $700 million annually.^[81] By November 1974, Kissinger lobbied Brezhnev to end Soviet military aid to North Vietnam.^[82] The same month, he also lobbied Mao and Zhou to end Chinese military aid to North Vietnam.^[82] On April 15, 1975, Kissinger testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, urging Congress to increase the military aid budget to South Vietnam by another $700 million to save the ARVN as the PAVN was rapidly advancing on Saigon, which was refused.^[83] Kissinger maintained at the time, and still maintains, that if only Congress had approved of his request for another $700 million South Vietnam would have been saved.^[84]

Bangladesh Liberation War

Kissinger in the West Wing as National Security Adviser

Nixon supported Pakistani dictator, General Yahya Khan, in the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Kissinger sneered at people who "bleed" for "the dying Bengalis" and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan, Archer K. Blood, and 20 members of his staff, which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking, in Blood's words, "a selective genocide" targeting the Bengali intelligentsia, supporters of independence for East Pakistan, and the Hindu minority.^[85] In the second, more famous, Blood Telegram the word genocide was again used to describe the events, and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had "evidenced [...] moral bankruptcy".^[86] As a direct response to the dissent against US policy Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood's tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department's Personnel Office.^[87]^[88] Christopher Clary argues that Nixon and Kissinger were unconsciously biased, leading them to overestimate the likelihood of Pakistani victory against Bengali rebels.^[89]

Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the Indian Subcontinent as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the USSR, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.^[90]^[91]^[92]

Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh–Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch" and a "witch". He also said "The Indians are bastards", shortly before the war.^[93] Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments.^[94]

Europe

As National Security Adviser under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.

Nixon felt his administration had neglected relations with the Western European states in his first term and in September 1972 decided that if he was reelected that 1973 would be the "Year of Europe" as the United States would focus on relations with the states of the European Economic Community (EEC) which had emerged as a serious economic rival by 1970.^[95] Applying his favorite "linkage" concept, Nixon intended henceforward economic relations with Europe would not be severed from security relations, and if the EEC states wanted changes in American tariff and monetary policies, the price would be defense spending on their part.^[96] Kissinger in particular as part of the "Year of Europe" wanted to "revitalize" NATO, which he called a "decaying" alliance as he believed that there was nothing at present to stop the Red Army from overrunning Western Europe in a conventional forces conflict.^[97] The "linkage" concept more applied to the question of security as Kissinger noted that the United States was going to sacrifice NATO for the sake of "citrus fruits".^[98]

Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry

Kissinger sits in the Oval Office with President Nixon and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, 1973

According to notes taken by H.R. Haldeman, Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel", including Kissinger.^[99] One note quotes Nixon as saying "get K. [Kissinger] out of the play—Haig handle it".^[99]

In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of Jews being persecuted there was in the interest of U.S. foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern."^[100]

Arab–Israeli dispute

In September 1973, Nixon fired Rogers as Secretary of State and replaced him with Kissinger. He would later state he had not been given enough time to know the Middle East as he settled into the State Department.^[101] Kissinger later admitted that he was so engrossed with the Paris peace talks to end the Vietnam war that he and others in Washington missed the significance of the Egyptian-Saudi alliance. Sadat expected as a reward that the United States would respond by pressuring Israel to return the Sinai to Egypt, but after receiving no response from the United States, by November 1972 Sadat moved again closer to the Soviet Union, buying a massive amount of Soviet arms for a war he planned to launch against Israel in 1973.

Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the Yom Kippur War in 1973 to keep him from interfering. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am; Kissinger waited nearly 3 and a half hours before he informed Nixon.^[102] According to Kissinger, he was notified at 6:30 a.m. (12:30 pm. Israel time) that war was imminent, and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective. On October 12, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial advice,^[103] while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease-fire, Nixon sent a message to Brezhnev giving Kissinger full negotiating authority.^[104] Kissinger wanted to stall a ceasefire to gain more time for Israel to push across the Suez Canal to the African side, and wanted to be perceived as a mere presidential emissary who needed to consult the White House all the time as a stalling tactic.^[104]

On October 31, 1973, Egyptian Foreign Minister Ismail Fahmi (left) meets with Richard Nixon (middle) and Henry Kissinger (right), about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War.

Kissinger promised the Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the United States would replace its losses in equipment after the war, but sought initially to delay arm shipments to Israel, as he believed it would improve the odds of making peace along the lines of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242.^[105] In 1973, Meir requested $850 million worth of American arms and equipment to replace its material losses.^[106] Nixon instead sent some $2 billion worth.^[107] The arms lift enraged King Faisal of Saudi Arabia, and he retaliated on October 20, 1973, by placing a total embargo on oil shipments to the United States, to be joined by all of the other oil-producing Arab states except Iraq and Libya.^[108]

On November 7, 1973, Kissinger flew to Riyadh to meet King Faisal and to ask him to end the oil embargo in exchange for promising to be "even handed" in the Arab-Israeli dispute.^[109] Despite all of Kissinger's efforts to charm him, Faisal refused to end the oil embargo.^[110] Only on March 19, 1974, did the king end the oil embargo, after Sadat reported to him that the United States was being more "even handed" and after Kissinger had promised to sell Saudi Arabia weapons that it had previously denied under the grounds that they might be used against Israel.^[111]

Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors, contributing to the first phases of Israeli–Egyptian non-aggression. In 1973–74, Kissinger engaged in "shuttle diplomacy" flying between Tel Aviv, Cairo, and Damascus in a bid to make the armistice the basis of a preferment peace. Kissinger's first meeting with Hafez al-Assad lasted 6 hours and 30 minutes, causing the press to believe for a moment that he had been kidnapped by the Syrians.^[112] In his memoirs, Kissinger described how, during the course of his 28 meetings in Damascus in 1973–74, Assad "negotiated tenaciously and daringly like a riverboat gambler to make sure he had exacted the last sliver of available concessions".^[112]

In contrast, Kissinger's negotiations with Sadat, through not without difficulties, were more fruitful. The move saw a warming in U.S.–Egyptian relations, bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States.

Persian Gulf

A major concern for Kissinger was the possibility of Soviet influence in the Persian Gulf. In April 1969, Iraq came into conflict with Iran when Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi renounced the 1937 treaty governing the Shatt-al-Arab river. After two years of skirmishes along the border, President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr broke off diplomatic relations with Iran on December 1, 1971.^[113] In May 1972, Nixon and Kissinger visited Tehran to tell the Shah that there would be no "second-guessing of his requests" to buy American weapons.^[113] At the same time, Nixon and Kissinger agreed a plan of the Shah's that the United States together with Iran and Israel would support the Kurdish peshmerga guerrillas fighting for independence from Iraq.^[113] Kissinger later wrote that after Vietnam, there was no possibility of deploying American forces in the Middle East, and henceforward Iran was to act as America's surrogate in the Persian Gulf.^[114] Kissinger described the Baathist regime in Iraq as a potential threat to the United States and believed that building up Iran and supporting the peshmerga was the best counterweight.^[114]

Turkish invasion of Cyprus

Following a period of steady relations between the U.S. Government and the Greek military regime after 1967, Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in July and August 1974. In an August 1974 edition of The New York Times, it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance οf the impending coup by the Greek junta in Cyprus. Indeed, according to the journalist,^[115]) the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup. Kissinger was a target of anti-American sentiment which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time—particularly among young people—viewing the U.S. role in Cyprus as negative. In a demonstration by students in Heraklion, Crete,^[116]^[117] soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974, slogans such as "Kissinger, murderer", "Americans get out", "No to Partition" and "Cyprus is no Vietnam" were heard. Some years later, Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974.^[118]

Latin American policy

Ford and Kissinger conversing on the White House grounds, August 1974

The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike. John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations over a new settlement for the Panama Canal began, and they eventually led to the Torrijos–Carter Treaties and the handing over of the Canal to Panamanian control.

Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States-Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because of U.S. pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the independence struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.

Intervention in Chile

Chilean Socialist Party presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a plurality of 36.2 percent in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C., due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration, with Kissinger's input, authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to encourage a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.^[119]^[120]^[121]^:115^[121]^:495^[122]^:177

On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became president.^[123] In September 1976, Orlando Letelier, a Chilean opponent of the new Pinochet regime, was assassinated in Washington, D.C. with a car bomb. Previously, Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison,^[124] and had chosen to cancel a letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations.^[125] This murder was part of Operation Condor, a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by Southern Cone nations that Kissinger has been accused of being involved in.^[126]^[127]

On September 10, 2001, the family of Chilean general René Schneider filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider's kidnapping which resulted in his death.^[128] The case was later dismissed by a U.S. District Court, citing separation of powers: "The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches."^[129] Decades later, the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 "to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons."^[130]^[131]

Argentina

Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine Armed Forces, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the elected government of Isabel Perón in 1976 with a process called the National Reorganization Process by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. An October 1987 investigative report in The Nation broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the military junta in neighboring Argentina the "green light" for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.^[132]^[133]^[134]^[135]

As the article published in The Nation noted, as the state-sponsored terror mounted, conservative Republican U.S. Ambassador to Buenos Aires Robert C. Hill "'was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled former New York Times reporter Juan de Onis.^[136] 'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, a general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He questioned (Foreign Minister Cesar) Guzzetti and, finally, President Jorge R. Videla himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt."^[137]

In a letter to The Nation editor Victor Navasky, protesting publication of the article, Kissinger claimed that: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates." Yet Kissinger aide Harry W. Shlaudeman later disagreed with Kissinger, telling the oral historian William E. Knight of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project: "It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician—by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians—this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war. He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know—I wasn't present at the interview."^[138]

Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, "'Tell me, Mr. Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?'"^[139]

According to declassified state department files, Kissinger also hindered Carter Administration's efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976–83 military dictatorship by visiting the country and praising the regime.^[140]

Rhodesia

In September 1976, Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even the apartheid regime of South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.^[141]

East Timor

Suharto with Gerald Ford and Kissinger in Jakarta on December 6, 1975, one day before the Indonesian invasion of East Timor.

The Portuguese decolonization process brought U.S. attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto regarded East Timor as rightfully part of Indonesia. In December 1975, Suharto discussed invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation.^[142] They only wanted it done "fast" and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington.^[143] Accordingly, Suharto delayed the operation for one day. Finally on December 7 Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan. According to Ben Kiernan, the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981.^[144]

Cuba

In February 1976, Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying Marine battalions based at the US Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, in retaliation for Cuban President Fidel Castro's decision in late 1975 to send troops to newly independent Angola to help the MPLA in its fight against UNITA and South Africa during the start of the Angolan Civil War.^[145]

Western Sahara

The Kissingerian doctrine endorsed the forced concession of Spanish Sahara to Morocco.^[146] At the height of the 1975 Sahara crisis, Kissinger misled Gerald Ford into thinking the International Court of Justice had ruled in favor of Morocco.^[147] Kissinger was aware in advance of the Moroccan plans for the invasion of the territory, materialized on November 6, 1975, in the so-called Green March.^[147]

Later roles

Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981

Kissinger left office when Democrat Jimmy Carter defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. In 1976, he was secretly involved in thwarting efforts by the Carter administration to indict three Chilean intelligence agents for masterminding the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier.^[148]

After Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University. There was student opposition to the appointment, which became a subject of media commentary.^[149]^[150] Columbia canceled the appointment as a result.

Kissinger was then appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.^[151] He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s. In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of E.M. Warburg, Pincus and Company,^[40] Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.^[152] He also serves on the board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,^[153] and as of March 1999, was a director of Gulfstream Aerospace.^[154]

In September 1989, the Wall Street Journal's John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US-China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures, Inc., a Delaware limited partnership, of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer. A US$75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government's primary commercial vehicle at the time, China International Trust & Investment Corporation (CITIC), was its purpose. Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates. Kissinger was criticised for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC's Peter Jennings to comment the morning after the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre. Kissinger's position was generally supportive of Deng Xiaoping's decision to use the military against the demonstrating students and he opposed economic sanctions.^[155]

From 1995 to 2001, Kissinger served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.^[156] In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.

In 1998, in response to the 2002 Winter Olympic bid scandal, the International Olympic Committee formed a commission, called the "2000 Commission," to recommend reforms, which Kissinger served on. This service led in 2000 to his appointment as one of five IOC "honor members," a category the organization described as granted to "eminent personalities from outside the IOC who have rendered particularly outstanding services to it."^[157]

From 2000 to 2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of Eisenhower Fellowships. In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service.^[158]

In November 2002, he was appointed by President George W. Bush to chair the newly established National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States to investigate the September 11 attacks.^[159] Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002, rather than reveal his business client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.^[160]

In the Rio Tinto espionage case of 2009–2010, Kissinger was paid $5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery.^[161]

President Donald Trump meeting with Kissinger on May 10, 2017

Kissinger—along with William Perry, Sam Nunn, and George Shultz—has called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and in three Wall Street Journal op-eds proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end. The four have created the Nuclear Threat Initiative to advance this agenda. In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled Nuclear Tipping Point. The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in the Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.

In December 2008, Kissinger was given the by the National Defense University Foundation "in recognition for his distinguished career in public service."^[137]

On November 17, 2016, Kissinger met with then President-elect Donald Trump during which they discussed global affairs.^[162] Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017.^[163]

In an interview with Charlie Rose on August 17, 2017, Kissinger said about President Trump: "I'm hoping for an Augustinian moment, for St. Augustine ... who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision, and rose to sainthood. One does not expect the president to become that, but it's conceivable ...".^[164] Kissinger also argued that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to weaken Hillary Clinton, not elect Donald Trump. Kissinger said that Putin "thought—wrongly incidentally—that she would be extremely confrontational ... I think he tried to weaken the incoming president [Clinton]".^[165]

Views on U.S. foreign policy

Yugoslav wars

President Barack Obama discussing the New START Treaty between the U.S. and Russia, 2010

In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the Yugoslav wars, he criticized the United States' policies in Southeast Europe, among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state, which he described as a foolish act.^[166] Most importantly he dismissed the notion of Serbs and Croats being aggressors or separatist, saying that "they can't be separating from something that has never existed".^[167] In addition, he repeatedly warned the West against inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries.^[167] Kissinger shared similarly critical views on Western involvement in Kosovo. In particular, he held a disparaging view of the Rambouillet Agreement:

The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form.
— Henry Kissinger, Daily Telegraph, June 28, 1999

However, as the Serbs did not accept the Rambouillet text and NATO bombings started, he opted for a continuation of the bombing as NATO's credibility was now at stake, but dismissed the use of ground forces, claiming that it was not worth it.^[168]

Iraq

Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford's funeral in January 2007

In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger met regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War.^[169] Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward^[170] that the advice was the same as he had given in a column in The Washington Post on August 12, 2005: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."^[171]

In an interview on the BBC's Sunday AM on November 19, 2006, Kissinger was asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq and responded, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible. ... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."^[172]

In an interview with Peter Robinson of the Hoover Institution on April 3, 2008, Kissinger reiterated that even though he supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq,^[173] he thought that the George W. Bush administration rested too much of its case for war on Saddam's supposed weapons of mass destruction. Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops, for disbanding the Iraqi Army, and for mishandling relations with certain allies.^[174]

India

Kissinger said in April 2008 that "India has parallel objectives to the United States," and he called it an ally of the U.S.^[174]

China

Angela Merkel and Kissinger were at the state funeral for former German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, November 23, 2015

Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics.^[175] A few months before the Games opened, as controversy over China's human rights record was intensifying due to criticism by Amnesty International and other groups of the widespread use of the death penalty and other issues, Kissinger told the PRC's official press agency Xinhua: "I think one should separate Olympics as a sporting event from whatever political disagreements people may have had with China. I expect that the games will proceed in the spirit for which they were designed, which is friendship among nations, and that other issues are discussed in other forums." He said China had made huge efforts to stage the Games. "Friends of China should not use the Olympics to pressure China now." He added that he would bring two of his grandchildren to watch the Games and planned to attend the opening ceremony.^[176] During the Games, he participated with Australian swimmer Ian Thorpe, film star Jackie Chan, and former British PM Tony Blair at a Peking University forum on the qualities that make a champion.^[177] He sat with his wife Nancy Kissinger, President George W. Bush, former President George H. W. Bush, and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi at the men's basketball game between China and the U.S.^[178]

In 2011, Kissinger published On China, chronicling the evolution of Sino-American relations and laying out the challenges to a partnership of 'genuine strategic trust' between the U.S. and China.^[179]

In his 2011 book On China, his 2014 book World Order and in a 2018 interview with Financial Times, Kissinger stated that he believes China wants to restore its historic role as the Middle Kingdom and be "the principal adviser to all humanity".^[180]^[181]^[182]

In 2020, during a period of worsening Sino-American relations caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the Hong Kong protests, and the U.S.–China trade war, Kissinger expressed concerns that the United States and China are entering a Second Cold War and will eventually become embroiled in a military conflict similar to World War I. He called for Chinese President Xi Jinping and the incoming U.S. President-elect Joe Biden to take a less confrontational foreign policy.^[183] Kissinger previously said that a potential war between China and the United States would be "worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization."^[184]

Iran

Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.–Iran talks was reported by the Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet."^[185] In 2016, Kissinger said that the biggest challenge facing the Middle East is the "potential domination of the region by an Iran that is both imperial and jihadist." He further wrote in August 2017 that if the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran and its Shiite allies were allowed to fill the territorial vacuum left by a militarily defeated Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, the region would be left with a land corridor extending from Iran to the Levant "which could mark the emergence of an Iranian radical empire."^[186] Commenting on the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Kissinger said that he wouldn't have agreed to it, but that Trump's plan to end the agreement after it was signed would "enable the Iranians to do more than us."^[187]

2014 Ukrainian crisis

Henry Kissinger on April 26, 2016

On March 5, 2014, The Washington Post published an op-ed piece by Kissinger, 11 days before the Crimean referendum on whether Autonomous Republic of Crimea should officially rejoin Ukraine or join neighboring Russia.^[188] In it, he attempted to balance the Ukrainian, Russian and Western desires for a functional state. He made four main points:

Ukraine should have the right to choose freely its economic and political associations, including with Europe;
Ukraine should not join NATO, a repetition of the position he took seven years before;
Ukraine should be free to create any government compatible with the expressed will of its people. Wise Ukrainian leaders would then opt for a policy of reconciliation between the various parts of their country. He imagined an international position for Ukraine like that of Finland.
Ukraine should maintain sovereignty over Crimea.

Kissinger also wrote: "The west speaks Ukrainian; the east speaks mostly Russian. Any attempt by one wing of Ukraine to dominate the other—as has been the pattern—would lead eventually to civil war or break up."^[188]

Following the publication of his book titled World Order, Kissinger participated in an interview with Charlie Rose and updated his position on Ukraine, which he sees as a possible geographical mediator between Russia and the West.^[189] In a question he posed to himself for illustration regarding re-conceiving policy regarding Ukraine, Kissinger stated: "If Ukraine is considered an outpost, then the situation is that its eastern border is the NATO strategic line, and NATO will be within 200 miles (320 km) of Volgograd. That will never be accepted by Russia. On the other hand, if the Russian western line is at the border of Poland, Europe will be permanently disquieted. The Strategic objective should have been to see whether one can build Ukraine as a bridge between East and West, and whether one can do it as a kind of a joint effort."^[190]

In December 2016, Kissinger advised then President-elect Donald Trump to accept "Crimea as a part of Russia" in an attempt to secure a rapprochement between the United States and Russia, whose relations soured as a result of the Crimean crisis.^[191] When asked if he explicitly considered Russia's sovereignty over Crimea legitimate, Kissinger answered in the affirmative, reversing the position he took in his Washington Post op-ed.^[192]

Computers and nuclear weapons

In 2019, Kissinger wrote about the increasing tendency to give control of nuclear weapons to computers operating with Artificial Intelligence (AI) that: "Adversaries' ignorance of AI-developed configurations will become a strategic advantage".^[193] Kissinger argued that giving power to launch nuclear weapons to computers using algorithms to make decisions would eliminate the human factor and give the advantage to the state that had the most effective AI system as a computer can make decisions about war and peace far faster than any human ever could.^[193] Just as an AI-enhanced computer can win chess games by anticipating human decision-making, an AI-enhanced computer could be useful in a crisis as in a nuclear war, the side that strikes first would have the advantage by destroying the opponent's nuclear capacity. Kissinger also noted there was always the danger that a computer would make a decision to start a nuclear war that before diplomacy had been exhausted or the algorithm controlling the AI might make a decision to start a nuclear war that would be not understandable to the operators.^[194] Kissinger also warned the use of AI to control nuclear weapons would impose "opacity" on the decision-making process as the algorithms that control the AI system are not readily understandable, destabilizing the decision-making process:

... grand strategy requires an understanding of the capabilities and military deployments of potential adversaries. But if more and more intelligence becomes opaque, how will policy makers understand the views and abilities of their adversaries and perhaps even allies? Will many different internets emerge or, in the end, only one? What will be the implications for cooperation? For confrontation? As AI becomes ubiquitous, new concepts for its security need to emerge.^[194]

COVID-19 pandemic

On April 3, 2020, Kissinger shared his diagnostic view of the COVID-19 pandemic, saying that it threatens the "liberal world order". Kissinger added that the virus does not know borders although global leaders are trying to address the crisis on a mainly national basis. He stressed that the key is not a purely national effort but greater international cooperation.^[1]

Public perception

At the height of Kissinger's prominence, many commented on his wit. In February 1972, at the Washington Press Club annual congressional dinner, "Kissinger mocked his reputation as a secret swinger."^[195] The insight, "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac", is widely attributed to him, although Kissinger was paraphrasing Napoleon Bonaparte.^[196] Four scholars at the College of William & Mary ranked Kissinger as the most effective U.S. Secretary of State in the 50 years to 2015.^[9] A number of activists and human rights lawyers, however, have sought his prosecution for alleged war crimes.^[7]^[126] According to historian and Kissinger biographer Niall Ferguson, however, accusing Kissinger alone of war crimes "requires a double standard" because "nearly all the secretaries of state ... and nearly all the presidents" have taken similar actions. But Ferguson continues "this is not to say that it's all OK."^[197]

Colin Powell, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Secretary of State John Kerry, and Kissinger in March 2016

Some have blamed Kissinger for injustices in American foreign policy during his tenure in government. In September 2001, relatives and survivors of General Rene Schneider (former head of the Chilean general staff) filed civil proceedings in Federal Court in Washington, DC, and, in April 2002, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London by human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell,^[198] citing the destruction of civilian populations and the environment in Indochina during the years 1969–75.^[199] British-American journalist and author Christopher Hitchens authored The Trial of Henry Kissinger, in which Hitchens calls for the prosecution of Kissinger "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture".^[200]^[201]^[202]^[203] Critics on the right, such as Ray Takeyh, have faulted Kissinger for his role in the Nixon administration's opening to China and secret negotiations with North Vietnam. Takeyh writes that while rapprochement with China was a worthy goal, the Nixon administration failed to achieve any meaningful concessions from Chinese officials in return, as China continued to support North Vietnam and various "revolutionary forces throughout the Third World," "nor does there appear to be even a remote, indirect connection between Nixon and Kissinger's diplomacy and the communist leadership's decision, after Mao's bloody rule, to move away from a communist economy towards state capitalism."^[79]

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Nixon's and Kissinger's conversation on October 6, 1972

Historian Jeffrey Kimball developed the theory that Kissinger and the Nixon administration accepted a South Vietnamese collapse provided a face-saving decent interval passed between American withdrawal and defeat.^[204] In his first meeting with Zhou Enlai in 1971, Kissinger "laid out in detail the settlement terms that would produce such a delayed defeat: total American withdrawal, return of all American POWs, and a ceasefire-in-place for '18 months or some period'", in the words of historian Ken Hughes.^[205] On October 6, 1972, Kissinger told Nixon twice that the terms of the Paris Peace Accords would probably destroy South Vietnam: "I also think that Thieu is right, that our terms will eventually destroy him."^[206]^[207] However, Kissinger denied using a "decent interval" strategy, writing "All of us who negotiated the agreement of October 12 were convinced that we had vindicated the anguish of a decade not by a 'decent interval' but by a decent settlement."^[208] Johannes Kadura offers a positive assessment of Nixon and Kissinger's strategy, arguing that the two men "simultaneously maintained a Plan A of further supporting Saigon and a Plan B of shielding Washington should their maneuvers prove futile." According to Kadura, the "decent interval" concept has been "largely misrepresented," in that Nixon and Kissinger "sought to gain time, make the North turn inward, and create a perpetual equilibrium" rather than acquiescing in the collapse of South Vietnam.^[209]

Kissinger's record was brought up during the 2016 Democratic Party presidential primaries. Hillary Clinton had cultivated a close relationship with Kissinger, describing him as a "friend" and a source of "counsel."^[210] During the Democratic Primary Debates, Clinton touted^[211] Kissinger's praise for her record as Secretary of State.^[212] In response, candidate Bernie Sanders issued a critique of Kissinger's foreign policy, declaring, "I am proud to say that Henry Kissinger is not my friend. I will not take advice from Henry Kissinger."^[213]

Family and personal life

Henry and Nancy Kissinger at the Metropolitan Opera opening in 2008

Nancy and Henry Kissinger in their New York apartment with their dog Tyler, 1978

Kissinger married Ann Fleischer on February 6, 1949. They had two children, Elizabeth and David, and divorced in 1964. On March 30, 1974, he married Nancy Maginnes.^[214]^[215] They now live in Kent, Connecticut, and in New York City. Kissinger's son David Kissinger served as an executive with NBCUniversal before becoming head of Conaco, Conan O'Brien's production company.^[216] In February 1982, at the age of 58, Henry Kissinger underwent coronary bypass surgery.

Kissinger described Diplomacy as his favorite game in a 1973 interview.^[217]

Soccer

Daryl Grove characterised Kissinger as one of the most influential people in the growth of soccer in the United States.^[218] Kissinger was named chairman of the North American Soccer League board of directors in 1978.^[219]

Since his childhood, Kissinger has been a fan of his hometown's soccer club, SpVgg Greuther Fürth. Even during his time in office, the German Embassy informed him about the team's results every Monday morning. He is an honorary member^[220] with lifetime season-tickets.^[221] In September 2012 Kissinger attended a home game in which SpVgg Greuther Fürth lost, 0–2, against Schalke, after promising years ago he would attend a Greuther Fürth home game if they were promoted to the Bundesliga, the top football league in Germany, from the 2. Bundesliga.^[222]

Awards, honors, and associations

Kissinger and Le Duc Tho were jointly offered the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for their work on the Paris Peace Accords which prompted the withdrawal of American forces from the Vietnam war. (Le Duc Tho declined to accept the award on the grounds that such "bourgeois sentimentalities" were not for him^[40] and that peace had not actually been achieved in Vietnam.) Kissinger donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony and later offered to return his prize medal after the fall of South Vietnam to North Vietnamese forces 18 months later.^[40]
In 1973, Kissinger received the U.S. Senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.^[223]
In 1976, Kissinger became the first honorary member of the Harlem Globetrotters.^[224]^[225]

Kissinger at the LBJ Library in 2016

On January 13, 1977, Kissinger received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Gerald Ford.

President Ford, General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, and Kissinger speaking informally at the Vladivostok Summit in 1974
In 1980, Kissinger won the National Book Award in History^[a] for the first volume of his memoirs, The White House Years.^[226]
In 1986, Kissinger was one of twelve recipients of the Medal of Liberty.
In 1995, he was made an honorary Knight Commander of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George.^[227]
In 2000, Kissinger received the Sylvanus Thayer Award at United States Military Academy at West Point.^[228]
In 2002, Kissinger became an honorary member of the International Olympic Committee.^[229]
On March 1, 2012, Kissinger was awarded Israel's President's Medal.
In October 2013, Kissinger was awarded the Henry A. Grunwald Award for Public Service by Lighthouse International
Kissinger was a member of the Founding Council of the Rothermere American Institute, University of Oxford.^[230]
Kissinger is a member of the following groups:
- Aspen Institute^[231]
- Atlantic Council^[232]
- Bilderberg Group^[233]^[234]
- Bohemian Club^[235]
- Council on Foreign Relations^[236]
- Center for Strategic and International Studies^[237]
- World.Minds^[238]^[239]
Kissinger served on the board of Theranos, a health technology company,^[240] from 2014 to 2017.^[241]
He received the Theodore Roosevelt American Experience Award from the Union League Club of New York in 2009.
He became the Honorary Chair of the advisory board for the Bloomberg New Economy Forum^[242] in 2018.

Writings: major books

Memoirs

1979. The White House Years. ISBN 0316496618 (National Book Award, History Hardcover)^[226]^[a]
1982. Years of Upheaval. ISBN 0316285919
1999. Years of Renewal. ISBN 0684855712

Public policy

1957. A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812–22. ISBN 0395172292
1957. Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. ISBN 0865317453 (1984 edition)
1961. The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy. ISBN 0060124105
1965. The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance. ISBN 0070348952
1969. American Foreign Policy: Three Essays. ISBN 0297179330
1981. For the Record: Selected Statements 1977–1980. ISBN 0316496634
1985. Observations: Selected Speeches and Essays 1982–1984. ISBN 0316496642
1994. Diplomacy. ISBN 067165991X
1999. Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow (Henry Kissinger, William Burr). ISBN 1565844807
2001. Does America Need a Foreign Policy? Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century. ISBN 0684855674
2002. Vietnam: A Personal History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. ISBN 0743219163
2003. Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises: Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger's Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations. ISBN 978-0743249119
2011. On China (New York: Penguin Press, 2011). ISBN 978-1594202711.
2014. World Order (New York: Penguin Press, September 9, 2014). ISBN 978-1594206146.

Notes

^ Jump up to: ^a ^b This was the 1980 award for hardcover History. From 1980 to 1983 there were dual hardcover and paperback awards in most categories, and multiple nonfiction subcategories. Most of the paperback award-winners were reprints, including Kissinger's.

References

^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Kissinger, Henry A. (April 3, 2020). "The Coronavirus Pandemic Will Forever Alter the World Order". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved April 20, 2020.
^ "Kissinger – Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". Merriam-Webster. Retrieved October 23, 2009.
^ "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved February 4, 2019.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Feldman, Burton (2001). The Nobel Prize: A History Of Genius, Controversy, and Prestige. Arcade Publishing. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-55970-537-0.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "Henry Kissinger: Realpolitik and Kurdish Genocide". The Kurdistan Tribune. March 24, 2013. Retrieved March 1, 2019.
^ Bass, Gary (September 21, 2013). "Blood Meridian". The Economist. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "Protesters Heckle Kissinger, Denounce Him for 'War Crimes'". The Times of Israel. January 30, 2015. Retrieved December 14, 2015.
^ Nevius, James (February 13, 2016). "Does Hillary Clinton see that invoking Henry Kissinger harms her campaign?". The Guardian. Retrieved October 23, 2016. "[...] many consider Kissinger a war criminal, most famously Christopher Hitchens, who, in a lengthy two-part article for Harper's in 2001 (later expanded into the book and documentary, The Trial of Henry Kissinger), laid out his case that Kissinger should be brought up on charges 'for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture'.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "The Best International Relations Schools in the World". Foreign Policy. February 3, 2015. Retrieved August 8, 2015.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Robertson, Nicky; Cole, Devan. "Former Secretary of State George Shultz dead at age 100". CNN. Retrieved February 21, 2021.
^ Isaacson (1992), p. 20.
^ "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" [The Kissingers in Bad Kissingen] (in German). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. Retrieved February 3, 2007.
^ Hesse, Uli (February 17, 2012). "Go Furth and Conquer". ESPN Soccernet. Retrieved May 3, 2012.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c "Henry Kissinger". Biography. Retrieved November 23, 2020.
^ "Kissinger: My Family Escaped the Horrors of the Holocaust by 'Just a Few Months'". Algemeiner.com. Retrieved November 23, 2020.
^ Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "New Books Explore Henry Kissinger's German Jewish Roots | DW | June 29, 2007". DW.COM. Retrieved November 23, 2020.
^ Thomas A. Schwartz (2011) Henry Kissinger: Realism, Domestic Politics, and the Struggle Against Exceptionalism in American Foreign Policy, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 22:1, 121–141, DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2011.549746
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Isaacson 1992, p. 37.
^ "Bygone Days: Complex Jew. Inside Kissinger's soul". The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on July 13, 2011. Retrieved September 4, 2008.
^ Isaacson 1992, p. 38.
^ Isaacson 1992, pp. 39–48.
^ Isaacson 1992, p. 48.
^ Isaacson 1992, p. 49.
^ Isaacson 1992, p. 53.
^ Isaacson 1992, p. 55.
^ "Henry Kissinger at Large, Part One". PBS. January 29, 2004. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ "PBK Famous Members". Depts.washington.edu. Retrieved March 17, 2017.
^ Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). "Little Heinz and Big Henry". The New York Times. Retrieved December 30, 2006.
^ Ferguson, Niall (2016). Kissinger, 1923 - 1968: The Idealist. Penguin Books. p. 237.
^ "Kissinger and the Meaning of History". Foreign Affairs : An American Quarterly Review. January 28, 2009. ISSN 0015-7120. Retrieved November 22, 2019.
^ "The meaning of history: reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant". hollis.harvard.edu. Retrieved November 22, 2019.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c ^d "Henry Kissinger – Biography". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved December 30, 2006.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Nast, Condé (May 8, 2020). "The Myth of Henry Kissinger". The New Yorker. Retrieved August 21, 2021.
^ "Kissinger, Harvard And the FBI | News | The Harvard Crimson". www.thecrimson.com. Retrieved August 21, 2021.
^ Kissinger, Henry (1954). Peace, legitimacy, and the equilibrium: (a study of the statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich) (Thesis). Cambridge, Mass.: Kissinger. OCLC 63222254.
^ Campbell, Kurt M.; Doshi, Rush (January 12, 2021). "How America Can Shore Up Asian Order A Strategy for Restoring Balance and Legitimacy". Foreign Affairs.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Buchan, Alastair (July 1974). "The Irony of Henry Kissinger". International Affairs. 50 (3): 369. doi:10.2307/2616401. JSTOR 2616401.
^ Kissinger, Henry (1957). Nuclear weapons and foreign policy. Harper & Brothers. p. 455. ISBN 978-0-393-00494-6.
^ Buchan, Alastair (July 1974). "The Irony of Henry Kissinger". International Affairs. 50 (3): 371. doi:10.2307/2616401. JSTOR 2616401.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Rothbard, Murray (May 1991). "Why the War? The Kuwait Connection". LewRockwell.com. Archived from the original on February 15, 2016. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 585.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 596.
^ "History of the National Security Council, 1947–1997". White House. Archived from the original on January 21, 2009. Retrieved December 30, 2006.
^ Robert S. Litwak (1986). Détente and the Nixon Doctrine: American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969–1976. Cambridge UP. p. 48. ISBN 9780521338349.
^ Geoffrey Warner, "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan, 1971." International Affairs 81.5 (2005): 1097–1118.
^ David Rothkopf, Running the world: the inside story of the National Security Council and the architects of American foreign policy (2004), pp. 111–12.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". Nobel Foundation. Retrieved December 31, 2006.
^ "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 – Henry Kissinger, Le Duc Tho". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved March 15, 2015.
^ Bernkopf Tucker, Nancy (June 2005). "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China". The Journal of American History. 92 (1): 117.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 119.
^ Dube, Clayton. "Getting to Beijing: Henry Kissinger's Secret 1971 Trip". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved July 21, 2011.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 122.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Bernkopf Tucker 2005.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, pp. 128–130.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 130.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 131.
^ Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 132.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 588.
^ Karnow (1983), pp. 588–589.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 635.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 591.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 608.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 624.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 623.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 633.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 647.
^ Karnow (1983), pp. 647–648.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 648.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Karnow (1983), p. 650.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Karnow (1983), p. 651.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 652.
^ Karnow (1983), pp. 652–653.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 654.
^ Abrams, Irwin (2001). The Nobel Peace Prize and the Laureates: An Illustrated Biographical History, 1901–2001. Science History Pubns. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-88135-388-4.
^ Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger, October 27, 1973.
^ "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973: Presentation Speech by Mrs. Aase Lionaes, Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting". Nobel Foundation. December 10, 1973. Retrieved April 28, 2007. In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation. In the letter he writes among other things: 'I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth. When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me, I can only accept this award with humility.' ... This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary-of-State in the United States. In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows: 'I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony. I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion.'
^ Lundestad, Geir (March 15, 2001). "The Nobel Peace Prize 1901–2000". Nobel Foundation. Retrieved December 31, 2006.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Dommen, Arthur (2002). The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Indiana University Press. p. 878. ISBN 9780253109255.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Takeyh, Ray (June 13, 2016). "The Perils of Secret Diplomacy". The Weekly Standard. Retrieved June 28, 2016.
^ Karnow (1983), pp. 660–661.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 661.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 664.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 666.
^ Karnow (1983), p. 7.
^ "Selective Genocide" (PDF). Retrieved March 12, 2015.
^ "Dissent from US Policy towards East Pakistan" (PDF). Retrieved March 12, 2015.
^ Holley, Joe (September 23, 2004). "Archer K. Blood; Dissenting Diplomat". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 27, 2014.
^ Bass, Gary (April 23, 2014). "The act of defiance that infuriated Henry Kissinger". The Globe and Mail. Retrieved April 23, 2014.
^ Christopher Clary, "Tilting at windmills: The flawed US policy toward the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war." Journal of Strategic Studies 42.5 (2019): 677-700 online.
^ "The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971". National Security Archive. December 16, 2002. Retrieved December 30, 2006.
^ Bass, Gary (September 29, 2013). "Nixon and Kissinger's Forgotten Shame". The New York Times. Retrieved May 27, 2014.
^ Dymond, Jonny (December 11, 2011). "The Blood Telegram". BBC Radio. Retrieved May 27, 2014.
^ Keefer, Edward C.; Smith, Louis J. (2005). "150. Conversation Among President Nixon, the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the President's Chief of Staff (Haldeman), Washington, November 5, 1971, 8:15–9:00 am". Foreign Relations, 1969–1976. E-7 (19). Retrieved December 30, 2006.
^ "Kissinger regrets India comments". BBC. July 1, 2005. Retrieved December 15, 2006.
^ Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.
^ Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.
^ Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.
^ Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. p. 78. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Chait, Jonathan (December 10, 2010) Nixon Disallowed Jewish Advisors From Discussing Israel Policy, The New Republic
^ Nagourney, Adam (December 10, 2010). "In Tapes, Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks". The New York Times.
^ Lacey (1981), p. 402.
^ "Book says Kissinger delayed telling Nixon about Yom Kippur War". Haaretz. Reuters. April 3, 2007. Retrieved November 9, 2012.
^ Siniver, Asaf (2008). Nixon, Kissinger, and U.S. Foreign Policy Making; The Machinery of Crisis. New York: Cambridge. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-521-89762-4.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Laor, Yitzhak (November 2, 2013). "Kissinger wants Israel to know: The U.S. saved you during the 1973 war". Haaretz. Retrieved February 15, 2014.
^ Lacey (1981), p. 408.
^ Lacey (1981), pp. 409–410.
^ Arnon Gutfeld and Boaz Vanetik. "'A Situation That Had to Be Manipulated': The American Airlift to Israel During the Yom Kippur War." Middle Eastern Studies 52.3 (2016): 419-447.
^ Lacey (1981), pp. 411–412.
^ Lacey (1981), p. 417.
^ Lacey (1981), p. 418–419.
^ Lacey (1981), pp. 420–421.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Wright, Robin (April 11, 2017). "The Assad Family: Nemesis to 9 U.S. Presidents". The New Yorker. Retrieved October 30, 2019.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Zonis (1991), p. 69.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Zonis (1991), p. 201.
^ Article republished on the front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima, issue of August 2, 1974, article "The Americans knew there was plan to overthrow Makarios" [Οἱ Ἀμερικανοί ἐγνώριζον ὅτι ἑτοιμάζετο ἀνατροπή τοῦ Μακαρίου στήν Κύπρο] (photo-reprint in the book series To Vima – 90 years. Vol. XI 1972–1981. Lambrakis Press. 2012. |volume= has extra text (help)
^ Front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima, issue of August 17, 1974, articles "The Cyprus crisis is Kissinger's Watergate" [Τό Κυπριακό εἶναι το Γουώτεργκέητ τοῦ κ. Κίσσινγκερ] and "Anti-American youth demonstration in Thessaloniki and Heraklion" [Ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωσις νέων εἰς τήν Θεσσαλονίκην και εἰς τό Ἡράκλειον] (photo-reprint in the book seriesTo Vima – 90 years. Vol. XI 1972–1981. Lambrakis Press. 2012. |volume= has extra text (help)
^ "To Vima" (August 17, 1974) original text passages on the demonstrations: Θεσσαλονίκη 16 Αὐγούστου. Σιωπηρά ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωση ἐπραγματοποίησαν σήμερα Κύπριοι φοιτηταί τοῦ Πανεπιστημόυ Θεσσαλονίκης [...]περίπου 150 διελήθησαν ἀργότερον ἡσύχως.[...] Ἡράκλειον 16 Αὐγούστου. Οἱ διαδηλωταί φέροντες ἑληνικάς σημαίας καί εἰκόνας τοῦ Καραμανλῆ καί τοῦ Μακαρίου περιήρχοντο μέχρις ἀργά τό βράδυ [...] κραυγάζοντες συνθήματα ὅπως "Δολοφόνε Κίσσινγκερ", "Ἔξω οἱ Ἀμερικανοί", " ��χι διχοτόμηση", "Ζήτω ὁ Καρμανλῆς", "Ἑνωμένοι Ἕλληνες", "Συμπαράσταση Λαέ", "Ὄχι ἡ Κύπρος Βιετνάμ". [...] ὑπολογίζονται δε εἰς 5.000"
^ Mallinson, William M. (2011). Cyprus: A Historical Overview (PDF). Republic of Cyprus. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ "Church Report". U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. Archived from the original on September 11, 2009. Retrieved November 20, 2006.
^ Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (1975), Church Committee, pp. 246–247, 250–254.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Kornbluh, Peter (2003). The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. ISBN 978-1-56584-936-5.
^ Kinzer, Stephen (2006). Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. New York: Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-8240-1.
^ Pike, John. "Allende's Leftist Regime". Federation of American Scientists. Retrieved November 20, 2006.
^ Binder, David (September 22, 1976). "Opponent of Chilean Junta Slain in Washington by Bomb in His Auto". The New York Times. Retrieved April 10, 2010.
^ "Cable Ties Kissinger to Chile Scandal". Associated Press on Boston.com. April 10, 2010. Retrieved August 14, 2014. As secretary of state, Henry Kissinger cancelled a U.S. warning against carrying out international political assassinations that was to have gone to Chile and two neighboring nations just days before a former ambassador was killed by Chilean agents on Washington's Embassy Row in 1976, a newly released State Department cable shows.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Rohter, Larry (March 28, 2002). "As Door Opens for Legal Actions in Chilean Coup, Kissinger Is Numbered Among the Hunted". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved December 14, 2015.
^ Greg Grandin. Kissinger's Shadow: The Long Reach of America's Most Controversial Statesman Metropolitan Books, 2015. p. 151. ISBN 1627794492
^ "Family to Sue Kissinger For Death September 6, 2001". CBS News. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ Davis, Jeff (2008). Justice Across Borders: The Struggle for Human Rights in U.S. Courts. Cambridge University Press. p. 99. ISBN 978-1139472456.
^ "CIA Admits Involvement in Chile". ABC News.
^ Dinges, John (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. The New Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1565849778.
^ Andersen, Martin Edwin (March 4, 2016). "How Much Did the US Know About the Kidnapping, Torture, and Murder of Over 20,000 People in Argentina?". The Nation.
^ Osorio, Carlos; Costar, Kathleen, eds. (August 27, 2004). "Kissinger to the Argentine Generals in 1976: 'If There Are Things That Have To Be Done, You Should Do Them Quickly'". National Security Archive. Retrieved November 25, 2011.
^ Campbell, Duncan (December 5, 2003). "Kissinger Approved Argentinian 'Dirty War'". The Guardian. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. pp. 96–97. ISBN 978-0415686174.
^ https://web.archive.org/web/20180612142254/http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/blogs/juan-de-onis. Archived from the original on June 12, 2018. Retrieved March 14, 2020. Missing or empty |title= (help)
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Andersen, Martin Edwin (October 31, 1987). "Kissinger and The "Dirty War"" (PDF). The Nation. Retrieved December 2, 2017.
^ "Oral History of Harry W. Shlaudeman, Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training" (PDF).
^ Navasky, Victor (2005). A matter of opinion (1st ed.). New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. p. 298. ISBN 0374299978. OCLC 56615627.
^ Goñi, Uki (August 9, 2016). "Kissinger hindered US effort to end mass killings in Argentina, according to files". The Guardian. Retrieved August 10, 2016.
^ Smith, Ian Douglas (2001). Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath. London: Blake Publishing. ISBN 978-1-903402-05-4. OCLC 1676807.
^ Burr, William; Evans, Michael L., eds. (December 6, 2001). "Ford, Kissinger and the Indonesian Invasion, 1975–76". National Security Archive. Retrieved February 13, 2016. Ford and Kissinger Gave Green Light to Indonesia's Invasion of East Timor, 1975: New Documents Detail Conversations with Suharto
^ Agence France Press, "US Endorsed Indonesia's East Timor Invasion: Secret Documents", December 6, 2001
^ Kiernan, Ben (2007). Genocide and resistance in Southeast Asia : documentation, denial & justice in Cambodia & East Timor (2nd pr. ed.). New Brunswick, NJ [u.a.]: Transaction Publ. p. 281. ISBN 978-1412806695.
^ "Henry Kissinger 'considered Cuba air strikes' in 1976". BBC News.
^ García Felipe, Ilde (2001). "Sáhara Occidental-Timor Oriental ¿Gemelos hacia la paz?" (PDF). Aldaba: 306.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Mundy, Jacob (2017). "The Geopolitical Functions of the Western Sahara Conflict: US Hegemony, Moroccan Stability and Sahrawi Strategies of Resistance. Global, Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara's Protracted Decolonization". In Ojeda-Garcia, R. (ed.). Global, Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara's Protracted Decolonization. pp. 59–60. doi:10.1057/978-1-349-95035-5_3.
^ Dorfman, Zach. "How Henry Kissinger Conspired Against a Sitting President". POLITICO Magazine. Retrieved August 27, 2021.
^ "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post". Columbia Spectator. March 3, 1977.
^ "Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Secretary". Columbia Spectator. March 3, 1977.
^ "CSIS". CSIS. 2007. Retrieved January 20, 2007.
^ "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. Archived from the original on February 23, 2007. Retrieved January 5, 2007.
^ "Sun-Times Media Group Inc. 10-K/A". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. May 1, 2006. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ "Gulfstream Aerospace Corp, Form 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 29, 1999. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Soley, Lawrence C. (1992). The News Shapers: The Sources who Explain the News. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. ?.
^ "Freeport McMoran Inc. 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 31, 1994. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Wenn, Stephen; Barney, Robert; Martyn, Scott (2011). Tarnished Rings: The International Olympic Committee and the Salt Lake City Bid Scandal. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. pp. 94, 111, 118, 123–124, 159.
^ "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. Archived from the original on May 16, 2011. Retrieved May 3, 2011.
^ "Investigating Sept. 11". Pbs.org. October 24, 2012. Retrieved February 15, 2014.
^ "Kissinger resigns as head of 9/11 commission". CNN Inside Politics. CNN. December 13, 2002. Archived from the original on April 27, 2006. Retrieved August 7, 2006.
^ Garnaut, John (March 27, 2015). "Henry Kissinger paid $5m to steer Rio Tinto through Stern Hu debacle and consolidate China links". The Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax Media. Retrieved July 6, 2018.
^ "Trump Holds Meetings With Haley, Kissinger and Sessions". ABC News. November 17, 2016. Retrieved November 17, 2016.
^ "Russian government releases photos of Oval Office meeting". Time Magazine. May 10, 2017. Archived from the original on May 11, 2017.
^ "Henry Kissinger, former secretary of state, shares his thoughts on resolving the North Korea crisis, the U.S. relationship with China, and Donald Trump." August 17, 2017.
^ "Henry Kissinger on Russian election interference (Aug 17, 2017) | Charlie Rose Web Extra"
^ "Charlie Rose – A panel on the crisis in Bosnia". charlierose.com. November 28, 1994. Archived from the original on June 28, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b "Charlie Rose – An interview with Henry Kissinger". charlierose.com. September 14, 1995. Archived from the original on June 27, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.
^ "Charlie Rose – An hour with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger". charlierose.com. April 12, 1999. Archived from the original on June 28, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.
^ "Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq". CBS News. October 1, 2006. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Woodward, Bob (October 1, 2006). "Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism". The Washington Post. p. A01. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Kissinger, Henry A. (August 12, 2005). "Lessons for an Exit Strategy". The Washington Post. p. A19. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Marr, Andrew (November 19, 2006). "US Policy on Iraq". Sunday AM. BBC. Retrieved December 29, 2006.
^ Kissinger, Henry A. (August 11, 2002). "Iraq is Becoming Bush's Most Difficult Challenge". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Robinson, Peter M. (April 3, 2008). "Kissinger on War & More". Hoover Institution. Archived from the original on January 25, 2012. Retrieved August 10, 2009.
^ Juan Williams (August 12, 2008). "Pioneers of U.S.-China Relations Attend Olympics". NPR. Retrieved May 28, 2012. Among the political luminaries attending the Beijing Olympics are Henry Kissinger and former President George H.W. Bush.
^ "Kissinger against Politicizing Olympics," Xinhua News Agency, April 9, 2008.
^ "Highlights of the AAP Sports Wire at 15:08 Aug 5, 2008," AAP Sports News Wire (Sydney), August 5, 2008,
^ MartinZhou, Martin, "Millions of Eyes on Clash of Titans," South China Morning Post, August 11, 2008, 3; Myers, Steven Lee, "Bush Mixes Sports, Diplomacy in China," Times-Colonist (Victoria, BC), August 11, 2008.
^ Friedberg, Aaron (July 13, 2011). "The Unrealistic Realist". The New Republic. Retrieved July 22, 2011.
^ Kissinger, Henry (2011). On China. United States: Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1594202711.
^ Kissinger, Henry (September 9, 2014). World Order. United States: Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-0241004272.
^ Luce, Edward (July 20, 2018). "Henry Kissinger: 'We are in a very, very grave period'". Financial Times. Retrieved October 4, 2018.
^ "Kissinger Warns Biden of U.S.–China Catastrophe on Scale of WWI". Bloomberg.com. November 16, 2020. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
^ DeCambre, Mark. "Kissinger says failure to mend U.S.-China trade relations would be 'worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization'". MarketWatch. Retrieved March 22, 2021.
^ "Kissinger backs direct U.S. negotiations with Iran". The Tehran Times. September 27, 2008. Retrieved September 27, 2008. (Transcript of a Bloomberg reportinterview.)
^ Khan, Shehab (August 7, 2017). "Henry Kissinger warns destroying Isis could lead to 'Iranian radical empire'". The Independent. Retrieved November 19, 2018.
^ "Kissinger: To Prevent Regional Explosion, US Must Thwart Iranian Expansionism". The Algemeiner. November 11, 2016. Retrieved August 8, 2017.
^ Jump up to: ^a ^b Henry A. Kissinger (March 5, 2014). "Henry Kissinger: To settle the Ukraine crisis, start at the end". The Washington Post.
^ Charlie Rose, PBS, September 2014.
^ Charlie Rose, reported in Bloomberg BusinessWeek, p. 20, October 2, 2014.
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^ "Fareed Zakaria GPS: Islamic Infighting, Iran versus Saudi Arabia; Inside the Oil Kingdom; Kim Jong-Un's Quest for the H-Bomb; Interview with Niall Ferguson; Interview with Gary Kasparov". CNN. January 10, 2016. Retrieved February 13, 2016.
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^ "Show us the papers, Hitchens". New Statesman. Archived from the original on March 13, 2012. Retrieved November 25, 2011.
^ Hitchens, Christopher (December 14, 2010). "Latest Nixon Tape Buries Kissinger's Reputation". National Post. Retrieved December 3, 2020.
^ Hughes, Ken (2015). Fatal Politics: The Nixon Tapes, the Vietnam War, and the Casualties of Reelection. University of Virginia Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0-8139-3803-5.
^ Hughes 2015, p. 118.
^ Hughes 2015, pp. 123–124.
^ "Richard Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger on 6 October 1972". Presidential Recordings Digital Edition. University of Virginia. Retrieved September 1, 2020.
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^ "Bilderberg 2011 list of participants". BilderbergMeetings.org. Archived from the original on August 28, 2011. Retrieved August 24, 2011.
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Sources

Isaacson, Walter (1992). Kissinger: A Biography. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-671-66323-0.
Karnow, Stanley (1983). Vietnam: A History. Viking. ISBN 0-1400-7324-8.
Lacey, Robert (1981). The Kingdom. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. ISBN 0151472602.
Zonis, Marvin (1991). Majestic Failure. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-98928-3.

External links

Official website
Henry Kissinger at IMDb
Appearances on C-SPAN
Membership at the Council on Foreign Relations
Henry Kissinger on Nobelprize.org

Political offices
Preceded by Walt Rostow	United States National Security Advisor 1969–1975	Succeeded by Brent Scowcroft
Preceded by William Rogers	United States Secretary of State 1973–1977	Succeeded by Cyrus Vance
Academic offices
Preceded by Margaret Thatcher	Chancellor of the College of William & Mary 2000–2005	Succeeded by Sandra Day O'Connor

[paperback-226] Jump up to: ^a ^b This was the 1980 award for hardcover History. From 1980 to 1983 there were dual hardcover and paperback awards in most categories, and multiple nonfiction subcategories. Most of the paperback award-winners were reprints, including Kissinger's.

[alter-1] Jump up to: ^a ^b Kissinger, Henry A. (April 3, 2020). "The Coronavirus Pandemic Will Forever Alter the World Order". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved April 20, 2020.

[2] "Kissinger – Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". Merriam-Webster. Retrieved October 23, 2009.

[3] "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved February 4, 2019.

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[Realpolitik-5] Jump up to: ^a ^b "Henry Kissinger: Realpolitik and Kurdish Genocide". The Kurdistan Tribune. March 24, 2013. Retrieved March 1, 2019.

[6] Bass, Gary (September 21, 2013). "Blood Meridian". The Economist. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[Times_of_Israel-7] Jump up to: ^a ^b "Protesters Heckle Kissinger, Denounce Him for 'War Crimes'". The Times of Israel. January 30, 2015. Retrieved December 14, 2015.

[8] Nevius, James (February 13, 2016). "Does Hillary Clinton see that invoking Henry Kissinger harms her campaign?". The Guardian. Retrieved October 23, 2016. "[...] many consider Kissinger a war criminal, most famously Christopher Hitchens, who, in a lengthy two-part article for Harper's in 2001 (later expanded into the book and documentary, The Trial of Henry Kissinger), laid out his case that Kissinger should be brought up on charges 'for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture'.

[foreignpolicy-9] Jump up to: ^a ^b "The Best International Relations Schools in the World". Foreign Policy. February 3, 2015. Retrieved August 8, 2015.

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[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199220-11] Isaacson (1992), p. 20.

[12] "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" [The Kissingers in Bad Kissingen] (in German). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. Retrieved February 3, 2007.

[13] Hesse, Uli (February 17, 2012). "Go Furth and Conquer". ESPN Soccernet. Retrieved May 3, 2012.

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[15] "Kissinger: My Family Escaped the Horrors of the Holocaust by 'Just a Few Months'". Algemeiner.com. Retrieved November 23, 2020.

[16] Welle (www.dw.com), Deutsche. "New Books Explore Henry Kissinger's German Jewish Roots | DW | June 29, 2007". DW.COM. Retrieved November 23, 2020.

[17] Thomas A. Schwartz (2011) Henry Kissinger: Realism, Domestic Politics, and the Struggle Against Exceptionalism in American Foreign Policy, Diplomacy & Statecraft, 22:1, 121–141, DOI: 10.1080/09592296.2011.549746

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199237-18] Jump up to: ^a ^b Isaacson 1992, p. 37.

[19] "Bygone Days: Complex Jew. Inside Kissinger's soul". The Jerusalem Post. Archived from the original on July 13, 2011. Retrieved September 4, 2008.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199238-20] Isaacson 1992, p. 38.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199239–48-21] Isaacson 1992, pp. 39–48.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199248-22] Isaacson 1992, p. 48.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199249-23] Isaacson 1992, p. 49.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199253-24] Isaacson 1992, p. 53.

[FOOTNOTEIsaacson199255-25] Isaacson 1992, p. 55.

[26] "Henry Kissinger at Large, Part One". PBS. January 29, 2004. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[27] "PBK Famous Members". Depts.washington.edu. Retrieved March 17, 2017.

[28] Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). "Little Heinz and Big Henry". The New York Times. Retrieved December 30, 2006.

[29] Ferguson, Niall (2016). Kissinger, 1923 - 1968: The Idealist. Penguin Books. p. 237.

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[kmc-36] Campbell, Kurt M.; Doshi, Rush (January 12, 2021). "How America Can Shore Up Asian Order A Strategy for Restoring Balance and Legitimacy". Foreign Affairs.

[Buchan-37] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Buchan, Alastair (July 1974). "The Irony of Henry Kissinger". International Affairs. 50 (3): 369. doi:10.2307/2616401. JSTOR 2616401.

[38] Kissinger, Henry (1957). Nuclear weapons and foreign policy. Harper & Brothers. p. 455. ISBN 978-0-393-00494-6.

[39] Buchan, Alastair (July 1974). "The Irony of Henry Kissinger". International Affairs. 50 (3): 371. doi:10.2307/2616401. JSTOR 2616401.

[Rothbard-40] Jump up to: ^a ^b Rothbard, Murray (May 1991). "Why the War? The Kuwait Connection". LewRockwell.com. Archived from the original on February 15, 2016. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983585-41] Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 585.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983596-42] Karnow (1983), p. 596.

[43] "History of the National Security Council, 1947–1997". White House. Archived from the original on January 21, 2009. Retrieved December 30, 2006.

[44] Robert S. Litwak (1986). Détente and the Nixon Doctrine: American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability, 1969–1976. Cambridge UP. p. 48. ISBN 9780521338349.

[45] Geoffrey Warner, "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan, 1971." International Affairs 81.5 (2005): 1097–1118.

[46] David Rothkopf, Running the world: the inside story of the National Security Council and the architects of American foreign policy (2004), pp. 111–12.

[ceasefire-47] Jump up to: ^a ^b "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". Nobel Foundation. Retrieved December 31, 2006.

[48] "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973 – Henry Kissinger, Le Duc Tho". NobelPrize.org. Retrieved March 15, 2015.

[49] Bernkopf Tucker, Nancy (June 2005). "Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China". The Journal of American History. 92 (1): 117.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005119-50] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 119.

[51] Dube, Clayton. "Getting to Beijing: Henry Kissinger's Secret 1971 Trip". USC U.S.-China Institute. Retrieved July 21, 2011.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005122-52] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 122.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005-53] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Bernkopf Tucker 2005.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005128–130-54] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, pp. 128–130.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005130-55] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 130.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005131-56] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 131.

[FOOTNOTEBernkopf_Tucker2005132-57] Bernkopf Tucker 2005, p. 132.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983588-58] Karnow (1983), p. 588.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983588–589-59] Karnow (1983), pp. 588–589.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983635-60] Karnow (1983), p. 635.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983591-61] Karnow (1983), p. 591.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983608-62] Karnow (1983), p. 608.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983624-63] Karnow (1983), p. 624.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983623-64] Karnow (1983), p. 623.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983633-65] Karnow (1983), p. 633.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983647-66] Karnow (1983), p. 647.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983647–648-67] Karnow (1983), pp. 647–648.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983648-68] Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 648.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983650-69] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Karnow (1983), p. 650.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983651-70] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Karnow (1983), p. 651.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983652-71] Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 652.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983652–653-72] Karnow (1983), pp. 652–653.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983654-73] Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 654.

[Abrams219-74] Abrams, Irwin (2001). The Nobel Peace Prize and the Laureates: An Illustrated Biographical History, 1901–2001. Science History Pubns. p. 219. ISBN 978-0-88135-388-4.

[75] Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger, October 27, 1973.

[76] "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973: Presentation Speech by Mrs. Aase Lionaes, Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting". Nobel Foundation. December 10, 1973. Retrieved April 28, 2007. In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation. In the letter he writes among other things: 'I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth. When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me, I can only accept this award with humility.' ... This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary-of-State in the United States. In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows: 'I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony. I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion.'

[77] Lundestad, Geir (March 15, 2001). "The Nobel Peace Prize 1901–2000". Nobel Foundation. Retrieved December 31, 2006.

[Dommen_878-78] Jump up to: ^a ^b Dommen, Arthur (2002). The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. Indiana University Press. p. 878. ISBN 9780253109255.

[Takeyh_detente-79] Jump up to: ^a ^b Takeyh, Ray (June 13, 2016). "The Perils of Secret Diplomacy". The Weekly Standard. Retrieved June 28, 2016.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983660–661-80] Karnow (1983), pp. 660–661.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983661-81] Karnow (1983), p. 661.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983664-82] Jump up to: ^a ^b Karnow (1983), p. 664.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow1983666-83] Karnow (1983), p. 666.

[FOOTNOTEKarnow19837-84] Karnow (1983), p. 7.

[85] "Selective Genocide" (PDF). Retrieved March 12, 2015.

[BloodTelegram-86] "Dissent from US Policy towards East Pakistan" (PDF). Retrieved March 12, 2015.

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[88] Bass, Gary (April 23, 2014). "The act of defiance that infuriated Henry Kissinger". The Globe and Mail. Retrieved April 23, 2014.

[89] Christopher Clary, "Tilting at windmills: The flawed US policy toward the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war." Journal of Strategic Studies 42.5 (2019): 677-700 online.

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[bbcPak-92] Dymond, Jonny (December 11, 2011). "The Blood Telegram". BBC Radio. Retrieved May 27, 2014.

[93] Keefer, Edward C.; Smith, Louis J. (2005). "150. Conversation Among President Nixon, the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the President's Chief of Staff (Haldeman), Washington, November 5, 1971, 8:15–9:00 am". Foreign Relations, 1969–1976. E-7 (19). Retrieved December 30, 2006.

[apology-94] "Kissinger regrets India comments". BBC. July 1, 2005. Retrieved December 15, 2006.

[95] Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.

[96] Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.

[97] Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. pp. 75–76. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.

[98] Robb, Thomas (2013). A strained partnership?: US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77. Manchester University Press. p. 78. ISBN 978-1-5261-2938-3.

[Chait-99] Jump up to: ^a ^b Chait, Jonathan (December 10, 2010) Nixon Disallowed Jewish Advisors From Discussing Israel Policy, The New Republic

[100] Nagourney, Adam (December 10, 2010). "In Tapes, Nixon Rails About Jews and Blacks". The New York Times.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981402-101] Lacey (1981), p. 402.

[102] "Book says Kissinger delayed telling Nixon about Yom Kippur War". Haaretz. Reuters. April 3, 2007. Retrieved November 9, 2012.

[103] Siniver, Asaf (2008). Nixon, Kissinger, and U.S. Foreign Policy Making; The Machinery of Crisis. New York: Cambridge. p. 188. ISBN 978-0-521-89762-4.

[haaretz.com-104] Jump up to: ^a ^b Laor, Yitzhak (November 2, 2013). "Kissinger wants Israel to know: The U.S. saved you during the 1973 war". Haaretz. Retrieved February 15, 2014.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981408-105] Lacey (1981), p. 408.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981409–410-106] Lacey (1981), pp. 409–410.

[107] Arnon Gutfeld and Boaz Vanetik. "'A Situation That Had to Be Manipulated': The American Airlift to Israel During the Yom Kippur War." Middle Eastern Studies 52.3 (2016): 419-447.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981411–412-108] Lacey (1981), pp. 411–412.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981417-109] Lacey (1981), p. 417.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981418–419-110] Lacey (1981), p. 418–419.

[FOOTNOTELacey1981420–421-111] Lacey (1981), pp. 420–421.

[Wright-112] Jump up to: ^a ^b Wright, Robin (April 11, 2017). "The Assad Family: Nemesis to 9 U.S. Presidents". The New Yorker. Retrieved October 30, 2019.

[FOOTNOTEZonis199169-113] Jump up to: ^a ^b ^c Zonis (1991), p. 69.

[FOOTNOTEZonis1991201-114] Jump up to: ^a ^b Zonis (1991), p. 201.

[115] Article republished on the front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima, issue of August 2, 1974, article "The Americans knew there was plan to overthrow Makarios" [Οἱ Ἀμερικανοί ἐγνώριζον ὅτι ἑτοιμάζετο ἀνατροπή τοῦ Μακαρίου στήν Κύπρο] (photo-reprint in the book series To Vima – 90 years. Vol. XI 1972–1981. Lambrakis Press. 2012. |volume= has extra text (help)

[Irakleion-116] Front page of the Greek newspaper To Vima, issue of August 17, 1974, articles "The Cyprus crisis is Kissinger's Watergate" [Τό Κυπριακό εἶναι το Γουώτεργκέητ τοῦ κ. Κίσσινγκερ] and "Anti-American youth demonstration in Thessaloniki and Heraklion" [Ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωσις νέων εἰς τήν Θεσσαλονίκην και εἰς τό Ἡράκλειον] (photo-reprint in the book seriesTo Vima – 90 years. Vol. XI 1972–1981. Lambrakis Press. 2012. |volume= has extra text (help)

[117] "To Vima" (August 17, 1974) original text passages on the demonstrations: Θεσσαλονίκη 16 Αὐγούστου. Σιωπηρά ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωση ἐπραγματοποίησαν σήμερα Κύπριοι φοιτηταί τοῦ Πανεπιστημόυ Θεσσαλονίκης [...]περίπου 150 διελήθησαν ἀργότερον ἡσύχως.[...] Ἡράκλειον 16 Αὐγούστου. Οἱ διαδηλωταί φέροντες ἑληνικάς σημαίας καί εἰκόνας τοῦ Καραμανλῆ καί τοῦ Μακαρίου περιήρχοντο μέχρις ἀργά τό βράδυ [...] κραυγάζοντες συνθήματα ὅπως "Δολοφόνε Κίσσινγκερ", "Ἔξω οἱ Ἀμερικανοί", " ��χι διχοτόμηση", "Ζήτω ὁ Καρμανλῆς", "Ἑνωμένοι Ἕλληνες", "Συμπαράσταση Λαέ", "Ὄχι ἡ Κύπρος Βιετνάμ". [...] ὑπολογίζονται δε εἰς 5.000"

[118] Mallinson, William M. (2011). Cyprus: A Historical Overview (PDF). Republic of Cyprus. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[Church_Report-119] "Church Report". U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. Archived from the original on September 11, 2009. Retrieved November 20, 2006.

[Interim_Report-120] Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (1975), Church Committee, pp. 246–247, 250–254.

[The_Pinochet_File-121] Jump up to: ^a ^b Kornbluh, Peter (2003). The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. ISBN 978-1-56584-936-5.

[Overthrow:_America's_Century_of_Regime_Change_from_Hawaii_to_Iraq-122] Kinzer, Stephen (2006). Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. New York: Times Books. ISBN 978-0-8050-8240-1.

[123] Pike, John. "Allende's Leftist Regime". Federation of American Scientists. Retrieved November 20, 2006.

[124] Binder, David (September 22, 1976). "Opponent of Chilean Junta Slain in Washington by Bomb in His Auto". The New York Times. Retrieved April 10, 2010.

[125] "Cable Ties Kissinger to Chile Scandal". Associated Press on Boston.com. April 10, 2010. Retrieved August 14, 2014. As secretary of state, Henry Kissinger cancelled a U.S. warning against carrying out international political assassinations that was to have gone to Chile and two neighboring nations just days before a former ambassador was killed by Chilean agents on Washington's Embassy Row in 1976, a newly released State Department cable shows.

[Rohter-126] Jump up to: ^a ^b Rohter, Larry (March 28, 2002). "As Door Opens for Legal Actions in Chilean Coup, Kissinger Is Numbered Among the Hunted". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved December 14, 2015.

[127] Greg Grandin. Kissinger's Shadow: The Long Reach of America's Most Controversial Statesman Metropolitan Books, 2015. p. 151. ISBN 1627794492

[128] "Family to Sue Kissinger For Death September 6, 2001". CBS News. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[129] Davis, Jeff (2008). Justice Across Borders: The Struggle for Human Rights in U.S. Courts. Cambridge University Press. p. 99. ISBN 978-1139472456.

[130] "CIA Admits Involvement in Chile". ABC News.

[131] Dinges, John (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. The New Press. p. 20. ISBN 978-1565849778.

[132] Andersen, Martin Edwin (March 4, 2016). "How Much Did the US Know About the Kidnapping, Torture, and Murder of Over 20,000 People in Argentina?". The Nation.

[133] Osorio, Carlos; Costar, Kathleen, eds. (August 27, 2004). "Kissinger to the Argentine Generals in 1976: 'If There Are Things That Have To Be Done, You Should Do Them Quickly'". National Security Archive. Retrieved November 25, 2011.

[134] Campbell, Duncan (December 5, 2003). "Kissinger Approved Argentinian 'Dirty War'". The Guardian. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[135] Blakeley, Ruth (2009). State Terrorism and Neoliberalism: The North in the South. Routledge. pp. 96–97. ISBN 978-0415686174.

[136] ttps://web.archive.org/web/20180612142254/http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/blogs/juan-de-onis. Archived from the original on June 12, 2018. Retrieved March 14, 2020. Missing or empty |title= (help)

[Kissinger_&_Hill-137] Jump up to: ^a ^b Andersen, Martin Edwin (October 31, 1987). "Kissinger and The "Dirty War"" (PDF). The Nation. Retrieved December 2, 2017.

[138] "Oral History of Harry W. Shlaudeman, Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training" (PDF).

[Navasky_book-139] Navasky, Victor (2005). A matter of opinion (1st ed.). New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. p. 298. ISBN 0374299978. OCLC 56615627.

[140] Goñi, Uki (August 9, 2016). "Kissinger hindered US effort to end mass killings in Argentina, according to files". The Guardian. Retrieved August 10, 2016.

[Ian_Smith_memoir-141] Smith, Ian Douglas (2001). Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath. London: Blake Publishing. ISBN 978-1-903402-05-4. OCLC 1676807.

[142] Burr, William; Evans, Michael L., eds. (December 6, 2001). "Ford, Kissinger and the Indonesian Invasion, 1975–76". National Security Archive. Retrieved February 13, 2016. Ford and Kissinger Gave Green Light to Indonesia's Invasion of East Timor, 1975: New Documents Detail Conversations with Suharto

[143] Agence France Press, "US Endorsed Indonesia's East Timor Invasion: Secret Documents", December 6, 2001

[144] Kiernan, Ben (2007). Genocide and resistance in Southeast Asia : documentation, denial & justice in Cambodia & East Timor (2nd pr. ed.). New Brunswick, NJ [u.a.]: Transaction Publ. p. 281. ISBN 978-1412806695.

[145] "Henry Kissinger 'considered Cuba air strikes' in 1976". BBC News.

[146] García Felipe, Ilde (2001). "Sáhara Occidental-Timor Oriental ¿Gemelos hacia la paz?" (PDF). Aldaba: 306.

[mundy-147] Jump up to: ^a ^b Mundy, Jacob (2017). "The Geopolitical Functions of the Western Sahara Conflict: US Hegemony, Moroccan Stability and Sahrawi Strategies of Resistance. Global, Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara's Protracted Decolonization". In Ojeda-Garcia, R. (ed.). Global, Regional and Local Dimensions of Western Sahara's Protracted Decolonization. pp. 59–60. doi:10.1057/978-1-349-95035-5_3.

[148] Dorfman, Zach. "How Henry Kissinger Conspired Against a Sitting President". POLITICO Magazine. Retrieved August 27, 2021.

[149] "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post". Columbia Spectator. March 3, 1977.

[150] "Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Secretary". Columbia Spectator. March 3, 1977.

[151] "CSIS". CSIS. 2007. Retrieved January 20, 2007.

[152] "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. Archived from the original on February 23, 2007. Retrieved January 5, 2007.

[153] "Sun-Times Media Group Inc. 10-K/A". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. May 1, 2006. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[154] "Gulfstream Aerospace Corp, Form 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 29, 1999. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[155] Soley, Lawrence C. (1992). The News Shapers: The Sources who Explain the News. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. ?.

[156] "Freeport McMoran Inc. 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 31, 1994. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[157] Wenn, Stephen; Barney, Robert; Martyn, Scott (2011). Tarnished Rings: The International Olympic Committee and the Salt Lake City Bid Scandal. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. pp. 94, 111, 118, 123–124, 159.

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[160] "Kissinger resigns as head of 9/11 commission". CNN Inside Politics. CNN. December 13, 2002. Archived from the original on April 27, 2006. Retrieved August 7, 2006.

[161] Garnaut, John (March 27, 2015). "Henry Kissinger paid $5m to steer Rio Tinto through Stern Hu debacle and consolidate China links". The Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax Media. Retrieved July 6, 2018.

[162] "Trump Holds Meetings With Haley, Kissinger and Sessions". ABC News. November 17, 2016. Retrieved November 17, 2016.

[163] "Russian government releases photos of Oval Office meeting". Time Magazine. May 10, 2017. Archived from the original on May 11, 2017.

[164] "Henry Kissinger, former secretary of state, shares his thoughts on resolving the North Korea crisis, the U.S. relationship with China, and Donald Trump." August 17, 2017.

[165] "Henry Kissinger on Russian election interference (Aug 17, 2017) | Charlie Rose Web Extra"

[Rose7185-166] "Charlie Rose – A panel on the crisis in Bosnia". charlierose.com. November 28, 1994. Archived from the original on June 28, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.

[Rose6651-167] Jump up to: ^a ^b "Charlie Rose – An interview with Henry Kissinger". charlierose.com. September 14, 1995. Archived from the original on June 27, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.

[Rose4347-168] "Charlie Rose – An hour with former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger". charlierose.com. April 12, 1999. Archived from the original on June 28, 2009. Retrieved October 16, 2009.

[169] "Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq". CBS News. October 1, 2006. Archived from the original on October 19, 2017. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[170] Woodward, Bob (October 1, 2006). "Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism". The Washington Post. p. A01. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[171] Kissinger, Henry A. (August 12, 2005). "Lessons for an Exit Strategy". The Washington Post. p. A19. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[172] Marr, Andrew (November 19, 2006). "US Policy on Iraq". Sunday AM. BBC. Retrieved December 29, 2006.

[173] Kissinger, Henry A. (August 11, 2002). "Iraq is Becoming Bush's Most Difficult Challenge". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[hoover-174] Jump up to: ^a ^b Robinson, Peter M. (April 3, 2008). "Kissinger on War & More". Hoover Institution. Archived from the original on January 25, 2012. Retrieved August 10, 2009.

[175] Juan Williams (August 12, 2008). "Pioneers of U.S.-China Relations Attend Olympics". NPR. Retrieved May 28, 2012. Among the political luminaries attending the Beijing Olympics are Henry Kissinger and former President George H.W. Bush.

[176] "Kissinger against Politicizing Olympics," Xinhua News Agency, April 9, 2008.

[177] "Highlights of the AAP Sports Wire at 15:08 Aug 5, 2008," AAP Sports News Wire (Sydney), August 5, 2008,

[178] MartinZhou, Martin, "Millions of Eyes on Clash of Titans," South China Morning Post, August 11, 2008, 3; Myers, Steven Lee, "Bush Mixes Sports, Diplomacy in China," Times-Colonist (Victoria, BC), August 11, 2008.

[179] Friedberg, Aaron (July 13, 2011). "The Unrealistic Realist". The New Republic. Retrieved July 22, 2011.

[180] Kissinger, Henry (2011). On China. United States: Penguin Press. ISBN 978-1594202711.

[181] Kissinger, Henry (September 9, 2014). World Order. United States: Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-0241004272.

[182] Luce, Edward (July 20, 2018). "Henry Kissinger: 'We are in a very, very grave period'". Financial Times. Retrieved October 4, 2018.

[183] "Kissinger Warns Biden of U.S.–China Catastrophe on Scale of WWI". Bloomberg.com. November 16, 2020. Retrieved March 22, 2021.

[184] DeCambre, Mark. "Kissinger says failure to mend U.S.-China trade relations would be 'worse than the world wars that ruined European civilization'". MarketWatch. Retrieved March 22, 2021.

[185] "Kissinger backs direct U.S. negotiations with Iran". The Tehran Times. September 27, 2008. Retrieved September 27, 2008. (Transcript of a Bloomberg reportinterview.)

[186] Khan, Shehab (August 7, 2017). "Henry Kissinger warns destroying Isis could lead to 'Iranian radical empire'". The Independent. Retrieved November 19, 2018.

[187] "Kissinger: To Prevent Regional Explosion, US Must Thwart Iranian Expansionism". The Algemeiner. November 11, 2016. Retrieved August 8, 2017.

[washingtonpost-188] Jump up to: ^a ^b Henry A. Kissinger (March 5, 2014). "Henry Kissinger: To settle the Ukraine crisis, start at the end". The Washington Post.

[189] Charlie Rose, PBS, September 2014.

[190] Charlie Rose, reported in Bloomberg BusinessWeek, p. 20, October 2, 2014.

[191] Buncombe, Andrew (December 27, 2016). "Henry Kissinger has 'advised Donald Trump to accept' Crimea as part of Russia". The Independent. New York. Retrieved December 28, 2016.

[192] "Kissinger advises Trump to accept Crimea as Russia – Bild". Ukraine Today. December 27, 2016. Retrieved December 28, 2016.

[AI-193] Jump up to: ^a ^b "Artificial intelligence and war". The Economist. September 5, 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2020.

[Metamorphosis-194] Jump up to: ^a ^b "The Metamorphosis". The Atlantic. August 2019. Retrieved January 3, 2020.

[TimeOffDuty-195] "Henry Kissinger Off Duty." Time, February 7, 1972.

[196] O'Connell, Loraine (December 26, 2001). "Authors: Men's power is sexy, women's suspect". Retrieved March 23, 2016.

[197] "Fareed Zakaria GPS: Islamic Infighting, Iran versus Saudi Arabia; Inside the Oil Kingdom; Kim Jong-Un's Quest for the H-Bomb; Interview with Niall Ferguson; Interview with Gary Kasparov". CNN. January 10, 2016. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[198] "Warrant Sought for the Arrest of Henry Kissinger". Archived from the original on September 13, 2015. Retrieved December 5, 2015.

[Fairfax-199] "Why the law wants a word with Kissinger", Fairfax Digital, April 30, 2002

[200] Hitchens, Christopher (December 13, 2010). "How Can Anyone Defend Kissinger Now?". Slate. Retrieved January 8, 2016.

[201] Hitchens, Christopher (November 27, 2002). "The Latest Kissinger Outrage". Slate. Archived from the original on January 1, 2016. Retrieved November 25, 2011.

[202] "Show us the papers, Hitchens". New Statesman. Archived from the original on March 13, 2012. Retrieved November 25, 2011.

[203] Hitchens, Christopher (December 14, 2010). "Latest Nixon Tape Buries Kissinger's Reputation". National Post. Retrieved December 3, 2020.

[204] Hughes, Ken (2015). Fatal Politics: The Nixon Tapes, the Vietnam War, and the Casualties of Reelection. University of Virginia Press. p. 118. ISBN 978-0-8139-3803-5.

[FOOTNOTEHughes2015118-205] Hughes 2015, p. 118.

[FOOTNOTEHughes2015123–124-206] Hughes 2015, pp. 123–124.

[207] "Richard Nixon and Henry A. Kissinger on 6 October 1972". Presidential Recordings Digital Edition. University of Virginia. Retrieved September 1, 2020.

[FOOTNOTEHughes2015126-208] Hughes 2015, p. 126.

[209] Kadura, Johannes (2016). The War After the War: The Struggle for Credibility During America's Exit From Vietnam. Cornell University Press. pp. 4, 153. ISBN 978-0801453960.

[210] Chozick, Amy (February 12, 2016). "Hillary Clinton's Ties to Henry Kissinger Come Back to Haunt Her". The New York Times.

[211] "Henry Kissinger, Hillary Clinton's Tutor in War and Peace". The Nation.

[212] "Praise for Hillary Clinton". Correct the Record. Retrieved February 13, 2016.

[213] Philip Bump (February 12, 2016). "Why Bernie Sanders sees Henry Kissinger's controversial history as an asset". The Washington Post.

[214] "Henry Kissinger Fast Facts". CNN. May 12, 2017.

[215] Schlessinger, Bernard S.; Schlessinger, June H. (September 1, 1986). The Who's who of Nobel Prize winners. Oryx Press. ISBN 9780897741934 – via Google Books.

[pr-nuts-216] "NBC Universal Television Studio Co-President David Kissinger Joins Conaco Productions as New President" (Press release). NBC Universal Television Studio. May 25, 2005.

[G&P-217] Games & Puzzles magazine, May 1973.

[218] "The Five Most Influential People in American Soccer", American Soccer Now, Daryl Grove, February 18, 2013.

[219] "Kissinger takes post as NASL chairman". The Victoria Advocate. October 5, 1978. Archived from the original on May 18, 2016. Retrieved March 21, 2010.

[220] "Der berühmteste Fan – Henry A. Kissinger – Reisender in Sachen Weltpolitik" [The most famous supporter - Henry A. Kissinger - Traveller in the realm of world politics]. Kleeblatt-Chronik.de (in German). Archived from the original on October 12, 2017. Retrieved February 25, 2012.

[221] "Uli Hesse: Go Furth and conquer". ESPN FC. February 17, 2012. Retrieved February 15, 2014.

[222] "Kissinger keeps promise to attend Greuther Fuerth game". Archived from the original on September 19, 2012.

[223] "National Winners | public service awards". Jefferson Awards.org. Archived from the original on November 24, 2010. Retrieved February 15, 2014.

[224] Sandra Crockett (January 4, 1996). "Halem Globetrotters still inspire hoop screams". The Baltimore Sun.

[225] "Harlem Globetrotters History". Harlem Globetrotters. Archived from the original on May 5, 2014. Retrieved May 5, 2014.

[nba1980-227] Jump up to: ^a ^b "National Book Awards – 1980". National Book Foundation. Retrieved March 16, 2012.

[228] Kissinger, Henry Alfred^{[dead link]} in Who's Who in the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press, 1999

[229] "Sylvanus Thayer Award Recipients". West Point Association of Graduates. Retrieved May 5, 2014.

[230] International Olympic Committee: Mr Henry Kissinger. Retrieved February 20, 2014.

[231] "Founding Council | The Rothermere American Institute". Rothermere American Institute. Archived from the original on November 17, 2012. Retrieved November 22, 2012.

[232] "Lifetime Trustees". The Aspen Institute. Retrieved October 16, 2009.

[233] Atlantic Council. "Board of Directors". Atlantic Council.

[TWP1978-234] "Western Issues Aired". The Washington Post. April 24, 1978. The three-day 26th Bilderberg Meeting concluded at a secluded cluster of shingled buildings in what was once a farmer's field. Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's national security adviser, Swedish Prime Minister Thorbjorrn Falldin, former secretary of state Henry Kissinger and NATO Commander Alexander M. Haig Jr. were among 104 North American and European leaders at the conference.

[235] "Bilderberg 2011 list of participants". BilderbergMeetings.org. Archived from the original on August 28, 2011. Retrieved August 24, 2011.

[236] "A Guide to the Bohemian Grove". Vanity Fair. April 1, 2009. Retrieved April 18, 2009.

[237] "History of CFR – Council on Foreign Relations". cfr.org. Retrieved October 16, 2009.

[238] Gaouette, Nicole. "Henry A. Kissinger". Center for Strategic and International Studies. Retrieved February 15, 2014.

[239] Dobelli, Rolf. "Henry Kissinger über die USA, China und die Zukunft der Welt". Neue Zürcher Zeitung (in German). Retrieved May 21, 2021.

[240] "WORLD.MINDS". Retrieved May 21, 2021.

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[242] Pflanzer, Lydia Ramsey. "How Elizabeth Holmes convinced powerful men like Henry Kissinger, James Mattis, and George Shultz to sit on the board of now disgraced blood-testing startup Theranos". Business Insider. Retrieved May 17, 2021.

[243] Bloomberg New Economy Advisory Board Retrieved July 23, 2019

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show v t United States Secretaries of State
Secretary of Foreign Affairs 1781–1789	R. Livingston Jay
Secretary of State 1789–present	Jefferson Randolph Pickering J. Marshall Madison Smith Monroe Adams Clay Van Buren E. Livingston McLane Forsyth Webster Upshur Calhoun Buchanan Clayton Webster Everett Marcy Cass Black Seward Washburne Fish Evarts Blaine Frelinghuysen Bayard Blaine Foster Gresham Olney Sherman Day Hay Root Bacon Knox Bryan Lansing Colby Hughes Kellogg Stimson Hull Stettinius Byrnes G. Marshall Acheson Dulles Herter Rusk Rogers Kissinger Vance Muskie Haig Shultz Baker Eagleburger Christopher Albright Powell Rice (tenure) Clinton (tenure) Kerry Tillerson Pompeo Blinken

show v t Recipients of the Charlemagne Prize
1950–1975	1950 Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi 1951 Hendrik Brugmans 1952 Alcide De Gasperi 1953 Jean Monnet 1954 Konrad Adenauer 1955 1956 Winston Churchill 1957 Paul-Henri Spaak 1958 Robert Schuman 1959 George C. Marshall 1960 Joseph Bech 1961 Walter Hallstein 1962 1963 Edward Heath 1964 Antonio Segni 1965 1966 Jens Otto Krag 1967 Joseph Luns 1968 1969 European Commission 1970 François Seydoux de Clausonne 1971 1972 Roy Jenkins 1973 Salvador de Madariaga 1974 1975
1976–2000	1976 Leo Tindemans 1977 Walter Scheel 1978 Konstantinos Karamanlis 1979 Emilio Colombo 1980 1981 Simone Veil 1982 King Juan Carlos I 1983 1984 1985 1986 People of Luxembourg 1987 Henry Kissinger 1988 François Mitterrand / Helmut Kohl 1989 Brother Roger 1990 Gyula Horn 1991 Václav Havel 1992 Jacques Delors 1993 Felipe González 1994 Gro Harlem Brundtland 1995 Franz Vranitzky 1996 Queen Beatrix 1997 Roman Herzog 1998 Bronisław Geremek 1999 Tony Blair 2000 Bill Clinton
2001–present	2001 György Konrád 2002 Euro 2003 Valéry Giscard d'Estaing 2004 Pat Cox / Pope John Paul II¹ 2005 Carlo Azeglio Ciampi 2006 Jean-Claude Juncker 2007 Javier Solana 2008 Angela Merkel 2009 Andrea Riccardi 2010 Donald Tusk 2011 Jean-Claude Trichet 2012 Wolfgang Schäuble 2013 Dalia Grybauskaitė 2014 Herman Van Rompuy 2015 Martin Schulz 2016 Pope Francis 2017 Timothy Garton Ash 2018 Emmanuel Macron 2019 António Guterres 2020 Klaus Iohannis
¹ Received extraordinary prize.

show v t Laureates of the Nobel Peace Prize
1901–1925	1901: Henry Dunant / Frédéric Passy 1902: Élie Ducommun / Charles Gobat 1903: Randal Cremer 1904: Institut de Droit International 1905: Bertha von Suttner 1906: Theodore Roosevelt 1907: Ernesto Moneta / Louis Renault 1908: Klas Arnoldson / Fredrik Bajer 1909: A. M. F. Beernaert / Paul Estournelles de Constant 1910: International Peace Bureau 1911: Tobias Asser / Alfred Fried 1912: Elihu Root 1913: Henri La Fontaine 1914 1915 1916 1917: International Committee of the Red Cross 1918 1919: Woodrow Wilson 1920: Léon Bourgeois 1921: Hjalmar Branting / Christian Lange 1922: Fridtjof Nansen 1923 1924 1925: Austen Chamberlain / Charles Dawes
1926–1950	1926: Aristide Briand / Gustav Stresemann 1927: Ferdinand Buisson / Ludwig Quidde 1928 1929: Frank B. Kellogg 1930: Nathan Söderblom 1931: Jane Addams / Nicholas Butler 1932 1933: Norman Angell 1934: Arthur Henderson 1935: Carl von Ossietzky 1936: Carlos Saavedra Lamas 1937: Robert Cecil 1938: Nansen International Office for Refugees 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944: International Committee of the Red Cross 1945: Cordell Hull 1946: Emily Balch / John Mott 1947: Friends Service Council / American Friends Service Committee 1948 1949: John Boyd Orr 1950: Ralph Bunche
1951–1975	1951: Léon Jouhaux 1952: Albert Schweitzer 1953: George C. Marshall 1954: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 1955 1956 1957: Lester B. Pearson 1958: Georges Pire 1959: Philip Noel-Baker 1960: Albert Luthuli 1961: Dag Hammarskjöld 1962: Linus Pauling 1963: International Committee of the Red Cross / League of Red Cross Societies 1964: Martin Luther King Jr. 1965: UNICEF 1966 1967 1968: René Cassin 1969: International Labour Organization 1970: Norman Borlaug 1971: Willy Brandt 1972 1973: Lê Đức Thọ (declined award) / Henry Kissinger 1974: Seán MacBride / Eisaku Satō 1975: Andrei Sakharov
1976–2000	1976: Betty Williams / Mairead Corrigan 1977: Amnesty International 1978: Anwar Sadat / Menachem Begin 1979: Mother Teresa 1980: Adolfo Pérez Esquivel 1981: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 1982: Alva Myrdal / Alfonso García Robles 1983: Lech Wałęsa 1984: Desmond Tutu 1985: International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War 1986: Elie Wiesel 1987: Óscar Arias 1988: UN Peacekeeping Forces 1989: Tenzin Gyatso (14th Dalai Lama) 1990: Mikhail Gorbachev 1991: Aung San Suu Kyi 1992: Rigoberta Menchú 1993: Nelson Mandela / F. W. de Klerk 1994: Shimon Peres / Yitzhak Rabin / Yasser Arafat 1995: Pugwash Conferences / Joseph Rotblat 1996: Carlos Belo / José Ramos-Horta 1997: International Campaign to Ban Landmines / Jody Williams 1998: John Hume / David Trimble 1999: Médecins Sans Frontières 2000: Kim Dae-jung
2001–present	2001: United Nations / Kofi Annan 2002: Jimmy Carter 2003: Shirin Ebadi 2004: Wangari Maathai 2005: International Atomic Energy Agency / Mohamed ElBaradei 2006: Grameen Bank / Muhammad Yunus 2007: Al Gore / Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change 2008: Martti Ahtisaari 2009: Barack Obama 2010: Liu Xiaobo 2011: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf / Leymah Gbowee / Tawakkol Karman 2012: European Union 2013: Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 2014: Kailash Satyarthi / Malala Yousafzai 2015: Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet 2016: Juan Manuel Santos 2017: International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons 2018: Denis Mukwege / Nadia Murad 2019: Abiy Ahmed 2020: World Food Programme

show v t 1973 Nobel Prize laureates
Chemistry	Ernst Otto Fischer (Germany) Geoffrey Wilkinson (United Kingdom)
Literature	Patrick White (Australia)
Peace	Henry Kissinger (United States) Lê Đức Thọ (Vietnam)
Physics	Leo Esaki (Japan) Ivar Giaever (United States) Brian David Josephson (United Kingdom)
Physiology or Medicine	Karl von Frisch (Germany) Konrad Lorenz (Austria) Nikolaas Tinbergen (United Kingdom)
Economic Sciences	Wassily Leontief (United States)
Nobel Prize recipients 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978

show v t Time Persons of the Year
1927–1950	Charles Lindbergh (1927) Walter Chrysler (1928) Owen D. Young (1929) Mohandas Gandhi (1930) Pierre Laval (1931) Franklin D. Roosevelt (1932) Hugh S. Johnson (1933) Franklin D. Roosevelt (1934) Haile Selassie (1935) Wallis Simpson (1936) Chiang Kai-shek / Soong Mei-ling (1937) Adolf Hitler (1938) Joseph Stalin (1939) Winston Churchill (1940) Franklin D. Roosevelt (1941) Joseph Stalin (1942) George Marshall (1943) Dwight D. Eisenhower (1944) Harry S. Truman (1945) James F. Byrnes (1946) George Marshall (1947) Harry S. Truman (1948) Winston Churchill (1949) The American Fighting-Man (1950)
1951–1975	Mohammed Mosaddeq (1951) Elizabeth II (1952) Konrad Adenauer (1953) John Foster Dulles (1954) Harlow Curtice (1955) Hungarian Freedom Fighters (1956) Nikita Khrushchev (1957) Charles de Gaulle (1958) Dwight D. Eisenhower (1959) U.S. Scientists: George Beadle / Charles Draper / John Enders / Donald A. Glaser / Joshua Lederberg / Willard Libby / Linus Pauling / Edward Purcell / Isidor Rabi / Emilio Segrè / William Shockley / Edward Teller / Charles Townes / James Van Allen / Robert Woodward (1960) John F. Kennedy (1961) Pope John XXIII (1962) Martin Luther King Jr. (1963) Lyndon B. Johnson (1964) William Westmoreland (1965) The Generation Twenty-Five and Under (1966) Lyndon B. Johnson (1967) The Apollo 8 Astronauts: William Anders / Frank Borman / Jim Lovell (1968) The Middle Americans (1969) Willy Brandt (1970) Richard Nixon (1971) Henry Kissinger / Richard Nixon (1972) John Sirica (1973) King Faisal (1974) American Women: Susan Brownmiller / Kathleen Byerly / Alison Cheek / Jill Conway / Betty Ford / Ella Grasso / Carla Hills / Barbara Jordan / Billie Jean King / Susie Sharp / Carol Sutton / Addie Wyatt (1975)
1976–2000	Jimmy Carter (1976) Anwar Sadat (1977) Deng Xiaoping (1978) Ayatollah Khomeini (1979) Ronald Reagan (1980) Lech Wałęsa (1981) The Computer (1982) Ronald Reagan / Yuri Andropov (1983) Peter Ueberroth (1984) Deng Xiaoping (1985) Corazon Aquino (1986) Mikhail Gorbachev (1987) The Endangered Earth (1988) Mikhail Gorbachev (1989) George H. W. Bush (1990) Ted Turner (1991) Bill Clinton (1992) The Peacemakers: Yasser Arafat / F. W. de Klerk / Nelson Mandela / Yitzhak Rabin (1993) Pope John Paul II (1994) Newt Gingrich (1995) David Ho (1996) Andrew Grove (1997) Bill Clinton / Ken Starr (1998) Jeff Bezos (1999) George W. Bush (2000)
2001–present	Rudolph Giuliani (2001) The Whistleblowers: Cynthia Cooper / Coleen Rowley / Sherron Watkins (2002) The American Soldier (2003) George W. Bush (2004) The Good Samaritans: Bono / Bill Gates / Melinda Gates (2005) You (2006) Vladimir Putin (2007) Barack Obama (2008) Ben Bernanke (2009) Mark Zuckerberg (2010) The Protester (2011) Barack Obama (2012) Pope Francis (2013) Ebola Fighters: Dr. Jerry Brown / Dr. Kent Brantly / Ella Watson-Stryker / Foday Gollah / Salome Karwah (2014) Angela Merkel (2015) Donald Trump (2016) The Silence Breakers (2017) The Guardians: Jamal Khashoggi / Maria Ressa / Wa Lone / Kyaw Soe Oo / Staff of The Capital (2018) Greta Thunberg (2019) Joe Biden / Kamala Harris (2020)

show v t International relations theory
Realism	Classical realism Neoclassical realism Neorealism Offensive realism Defensive realism
Liberalism	Idealism Democratic peace theory Capitalist peace Republican liberalism Neoliberalism Liberal institutionalism
Constructivism	Feminist constructivism
Rational choice	Bargaining model of war
Marxism	Dependency theory Theory of imperialism Neo-Gramscianism Critical security studies Critical theory World-systems theory
Other theories	English School Intergovernmentalism (liberal intergovernmentalism) International political economy Feminism Green theory Hegemonic stability theory Copenhagen School Functionalism (neofunctionalism) Postmodernism Postcolonialism Intercommunalism
Classifications	Postpositivism Rationalism Reflectivism "Great Debates" Inter-paradigm debate
Other approaches	International ethics Historical sociology Regime theory State cartel theory Geopolitics
Scholars	Michael Barnett Hedley Bull E. H. Carr Daniel Deudney Michael W. Doyle Cynthia Enloe James Fearon Martha Finnemore Robert Gilpin Samuel P. Huntington John Ikenberry Robert Jervis Peter J. Katzenstein Robert Keohane Henry Kissinger Stephen D. Krasner John Mearsheimer Hans Morgenthau Joseph Nye Kathryn Sikkink Susan Strange J. Ann Tickner Immanuel Wallerstein Stephen Walt Kenneth Waltz Alexander Wendt
Categories	International relations
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Other	Faceted Application of Subject Terminology MusicBrainz artist National Archives (US) RERO (Switzerland) 1 Social Networks and Archival Context 2 SUDOC (France) 1 Trove (Australia) 1

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