Hare Krishna Konar

Hare Krishna Konar
হরেকৃষ্ণ কোঙার
Konar, c. 1970s
Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist)
In office 1964–1974
General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha
In office 1968–1974
Preceded by	N. G. Ranga
Succeeded by	Hannan Mollah
Minister of Land and Land Revenue, Government of West Bengal
In office 1967–1970
Preceded by	Office created
Succeeded by	Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee
Member of West Bengal State Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist)
In office 1964–1974
Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly
In office 1957–1972
Preceded by	Baidyanath Santal, Rash Behari Sen
Succeeded by	Anjali Mondal
Constituency	Kalna
International affiliation Member of Central Committee of Chinese Communist Party In office 1960–1974 Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of Cuba In office 1970–1974 Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of Vietnam In office 1960–1974
Personal details
Born	(1915-08-05)5 August 1915 Kamargoria village, Raina sub-division, Bardhaman District, Bengal Presidency, British India (present-day Kamargoria village, West Bengal, India)
Died	23 July 1974(1974-07-23) (aged 58) Calcutta, West Bengal, India
Cause of death	Cancer
Citizenship	British Raj (1915–1947) Indian (1950–1974)
Nationality	Indian
Political party	Communist Party of India (Marxist) (1964–1974) Communist Party of India (1938–1964)
Spouse(s)	Biva Konar
Parent(s)	Sharatchandra Konar (Father) Satyabala Devi (Mother)
Residence	Memari
Alma mater	Kamargoria Prathmik Bidyalay, Memari Vidyasagar Smriti Vidyamandir, Bangabasi College, University of Calcutta
Occupation	Communist Leader • Politician • Author • Revolutionary •
Movement	Indian independence movement, Communist movement
Religion	None (Atheism) Formerly (Hinduism)
Signature
Nickname(s)	Kasto, (কেষ্ট)

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Hare Krishna Konar (/ˈhɑːri ˈkrɪʃnə koʊɑːr/; August 5, 1915 – July 23, 1974) was an Indian communist politician, belonging to the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and one of the founding member of Communist Party of India Marxist, who played a major role in land reforms in India and was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha. He was the Ministry of Land and Land Revenue in government of West Bengal and the Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly. He was also the revolutionary Freedom Fighter of India for his movement against British Raj he was send to Cellular Jail for 6years at the age of 18.^[1]

Early life[]

Hare Krishna Konar was the eldest son of Sharatchandra Konar and Satyabala Devi. He was born on 5 August 1915 in Kamargoria village, under Raina Police Station in Bardhaman District of Bengal in British India. Upto class 4 he used to study in Kamargoria Prathmik Bidyalay. At young age, he shifted to South Radhakantopur village of Memari with his father, mother and started education there. In 1930 while studying at Memari Vidyasagar Smriti Vidyamandir in class 9, he participated in the Indian Civil disobedience movement and was arrested for 6 months in 1930. While studying in Bangabasi College, under the University of Calcutta in 1932, at the age of 18 for 6 years he was condemned to the Cellular Jail in Andaman Islands for taking part in the Extremist Movement to uproot British Raj in India.^[2][3]

106 = Hare Krishna Konar (The list of name who were integrated in cellular jail in 1932–1938).

Before being arrested in 1932, he was already in contact with communist leaders like Abdul Halim, Bankim Mukherjee, Bhupendranath Dutta. In Andaman jail, he met Satish Pakrashi, Narayan Ray, Somnath Lahiri, Niranjan Sengupta with many others and founded the Communist Consolidation with other communist prisoners and he was also the prominent member of Anushilan Samiti.^[2][3]

After being released from jail in 1938 he met with M. N. Roy (Founder of CPI), Muzaffar Ahmed (Prominent member of CPI), Abdul Halim (Member of CPI) and earned the membership in 1938 of Communist Party of India (CPI) and from here his Communist struggles starts.^[2][3]

In Communist Party of India (Marxist)[]

He first worked among the workers in Calcutta and Howrah. After some months Comrade Benoy Chowdhury took him to Bardhaman district and he started working in the kisan (farmers) movement. In 1939, he participated in the Canal Tax protest in Bardhaman district. In 1940 he was banned by the British Government from entering Asansol, Burnpur area and later on from Bardhaman district. But he still worked from underground in Bardhaman, and he was once arrested for few months.^[3]

In 1944 he was again arrested and he was banned by the government to step out of Bardhaman City. He played important role during the Ajay river Dam movement of 1943-1944 and second stage of Canal Tax protest of 1946–1947. While canvassing for elections in colliery area of Asansol he was physically assaulted by goons, and his legs were broken. In March 1948 when the CPI was banned, he was arrested immediately for 3 months. After being released he went into hiding and remained so until 1952. His chief role was maintaining communications between Kolkata, Bardhaman, Howrah and Hooghly in this time. He played an important role during the Food Movement of West Bengal in 1953, and Civil Disobedience movement in 1957, and was arrested both times. In 1962, when Sino-Indian War happened, he was arrested for a year under India Safety Act, and again for one and a half years in 1964 under the same Act.^[4][5]

Jyoti Basu, Harkishan Singh Surjeet, A. K. Gopalan, Hare Krishna Konar. (In All India Kisan Sabha conference held in Kolkata).

He was one of the co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist) when it was formed from Communist Party of India in 1964. From 1957 he was a member of the West Bengal State Council of CPI. From 1964 until his death he was a member of West Bengal State Committee of CPI(M). From 1958 he was a member of National Council of CPI and from 1964 until his death he was a member of Central Committee of CPI(M).^[4][6] From 1954 until his death he was the Secretary of West Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha (part of All India Kisan Sabha) and Member of central council of All India Kisan Sabha [CPI]. He was also the Member of Communist Party of Cuba, Chinese Communist Party and Communist Party of Vietnam. From 1968 until his death He was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha [CPI(M)].^[6][7]

As an representative of the Communist Party of India, He had attended the Vietnam Communist Party's Conference in Hanoi, Vietnam in 1960; He had also attended Chinese Communist Party's Conference in Beijing, China in 1960 and The Trade Union International of Agricultural, Forestry and Plantation Worker's Conference at Nicosia, Cyprus in 1970; He attended the Communist Party of Cuba's Conference at Havana, Cuba in 1970; He attended the Lao People's Revolutionary Party's Conference at Vientiane, Laos in 1971; He attended the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Conference at Moscow Kremlin, Soviet Union (Present day Russia) in 1971; He had also attended Worker's Party of Korea's Conference at Pyongyang, North Korea in 1971; He attended Italian Communist Party's Conference at Rome, Italy in 1971; He had also attended the Czechoslovakia Communist Party's Conference at Prague, Czechoslovakia in 1972; He attended the Mexican Communist Party's Conference at Mexico City, Mexico in 1973 and Communist Party of Germany's Conference at Berlin, Germany in 1973.^[7]

Naxalbari uprising[]

It was exactly 55 years ago in 1967 that a minor clash between a police force and a group of armed peasants took place in an obscure corner of West Bengal. But it unleashed a force of events, which escalated over the years into a political movement, that derived its name from that area and brought about far-reaching changes in India's socio-cultural scene. Today it evokes a variety of strong emotions ranging from admiration to denunciation, cutting across the political lines of the established parties. The movement itself is also hard pressed by new challenges and endemic splits. Yet, we cannot deny that even after four decades of its tortuous and self-divisive and often self- destructive odyssey, the movement that started in Naxalbari and now known as the Naxalite movement, still remains a force to reckon with. What is peculiar to the Naxalite Movement is not its physical occupation of, and administrative control over, land, but its abiding appeal among the dispossessed and underprivileged rural poor in certain parts of the country. The movement asserted the demands of the poor and landless peasantry in a way that shook the then atrophied Indian political scene. It sensitized the rest of our society to their desperate efforts to escape the intolerable conditions of economic oppression and social humiliation. Ideology is a set of ideas that form the basis of an economic or political theory or a particular group or person who holds them. Every movement has its own ideology. To know the ideology of the Naxalite movement we will have to study the nature of the movement first. Naxalism arose from certain basic factors-social injustice, economic, inequality and the failure of the system to redress the grievances of large sections of people who suffered and continue to suffer. Here the idea is to create a classless society, which is free of any kind of inequality. Although land redistribution occupied the central stage of the movement, we should bear in mind that it is just an issue of the movement, which was popular at that point of time. The ultimate aim is to eradicate exploitation. The leaders behind the movement had a belief –“those who by economics judge every struggle by the amount of paddy seized or the size of land peasant received. They never judge by the yardstick whether the fighting consciousness of the peasants had increased. The fighting consciousness of the peasantry should be directed against the state machinery and the feudal class; without destroying the two no land reforms could be possible, since they stood against the interests of the landless and poor peasants.” One more important component of the ideology is the use of armed struggle. But we need to understand that it is just only a means to achieve a broader objective. As the upper classes are in a very dominant position, it is not possible to uproot them except through armed struggle. So Naxalites resort to violence only when realize that it is indispensable to the movement. So violence is just only a means and not the end itself. Again Naxalism should not be looked only for the benefit of agrarian peasants. It is something that transcends agrarian reality and relates to whatever field where there is inequality. So the Ideology behind the movement can be stated in the following points^[8]

• India's liberation could be achieved along China's path.

• An arm struggle is the only way out.

• Bringing a new social order, free of social inequality and class disparity.

Political Situation in West Bengal during the Movement:-

Naxalite movement derives its name from Naxalbari, a small place in Siliguri subdivision of Darjeeling district of West Bengal. It all started in 1967 after the first non-congress government came into power under the name of United Front Government. The dominant forces in the government were the Leftists. The main forces were the CPI and the CPI(M). They represented the aspirations of the marginalized and the poor. The minister-in-charge of Land and Land Revenue was Hare Krishna Konar who was a veteran peasant leader. In an interview with his party mouthpiece Ganashakti, he made his intentions clear about the quick distribution of surplus land and he further asked for peasant initiative and organized force. What he did not realize was that the aspirations of the poor peasantry were already on a high note and his invitation escalated them further. As the later developments showed they went far beyond his expectations. Although there were no doubts about the intentions of the leftists in the government about the redistribution, the path to achieve the goals was not that simple. There were some constraints before government. To name a few first they were not sure about how to recover the land from the landlords. Second the landlords could take the help of law to delay the seizure of land and thus postpone the redistribution for an indefinite period. Third was the working of the bureaucracy. There were some instances of even defying the orders of the ministers. As a result of these obstacles, the government could not implement the land reforms quickly. The CPI(M) was in a difficult situation because it was in the power so it could not totally do away the legal and official procedure and on the other hand the aspirations of the peasantry had to be satisfied. Everyone was not happy with government policy of redistributing the land through legal process. One of such prominent figures was Charu Mazumdar who was attacking Hare Krishna Konar on three accounts. The first point was that he submitted to the bureaucrats and feudal gentry. The second point was that there might be disputes among the peasants who acquired the land through legal process and those who got it through forceful means. The third point was that the peasants who would acquire the land through legal process might eventually become a complacent middle farmer. Developments at Naxalbari: In this light a peasants’ conference was held under the auspices of CPI(M) at Naxalbari and it gave a call for ending the monopoly ownership of land by landlords, organization and arming of peasants to destroy the resistance of landlords. Among the sponsors of the conference were Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal who later became prominent leaders of the Naxalbari movement. Both of them were in favor of political propaganda and mass mobilization what was opposed by Charu Mazumdar. He wanted only action. So there were some differences on the part of the strategy to be followed but they were clear on many points such as that India's liberation could be achieved only through China's path, propagation of politics of agrarian struggle among the working class and the peasantry and building up a secret party to prepare cadres for this purpose. As a result of those differences pointed out already, Siliguri Local committee cadres decided to go on the path of mass movements whereas West Dinajpur unit decided to stick to the idea of Charu babu. Now the mobilization started on a large scale. From March to April (1967) all the villages of the Naxalbari were organized and 15000 to 20000 peasants were enrolled as whole time activists. They soon occupied the land in the name of peasants’ committees, burnt all land records, cancelled all hypothetical debts, and passed death sentences on oppressive landlords. They also formed armed bands by looting guns from the landlords, armed themselves with conventional weapons and set up a parallel administration to look after the villages. By May of that year itself three or four places were totally under the control of rebels. In the meantime Charu babu addressed a meeting of the cadres and asked them to always be on the side of the poor and landless peasant. He said that our relation with rich farmers would always be of struggling nature. Observing that the situation going out of control UF government woke up and Hare Krishna Konar was sent to the Naxalbari region and he asked the rebels to put down their arms and file the petition for the distribution of land vested with the government. It was also agreed that all the persons wanted by Police would also surrender. But the agreement was never implemented. Just after the return of minister from that place, a Police camp was established there. In the wake of these developments the first serious clash between Police and the peasants occurred on 23 May 1967, when a policeman was killed and in retaliation police opened fire on a crowd of villagers and killed nine people. Out of them six were women and two were children. This incident created tensions within and outside the United Front government. The West Bengal Secretariat condemned the incident and accused Chief Minister Ajoy Mukherjee, an ex-Congressman of laying ‘one sided stress on police measures to maintain law and order’. Meanwhile, news of clashes between peasants and landlords kept pouring in from Naxalbari and between 3rd and 10 June. There were as many as eighty incidents of dacoity, two murders and also one abduction. Mr. B. Chavan Union Home Minister told the Lok Sabha that a reign of terror has been created in Darjeeling. By the end of June while the leadership of Communist Party of India (Marxist) was openly against the Naxalbari rebels. In Calcutta several groups within and outside CPI(M) were coming together. These groups formed the Naxalbari Peasants Struggle Aid Committee, which became a nucleus of separate party of the future. CPI(M) expelled 19 members in the light of the formation of the committee. In the meantime some other important developments were also taking place. On 28 June Radio Peking supported the movement and dubbed the United Front government as a ‘tool of Indian reactionaries to deceive the people’. This was the first incident of Chinese support to rebels and of Peking's disenchantment with CPI(M). On 12 July a major police action was launched. Although Chief Minister claimed that it was cabinet's decision, but CPI(M) tried to dissociate itself from the police action. The Chief Minister also came under attack. By 20 July the prominent leaders like Jangal Santhal were arrested and by October 1967 an apparent lull was set in Naxalbari. Assessment of the Naxalbari Movement and causes for its failure: Coming to the evaluation of the Naxalbari Movement, we should keep in mind that although it was a moderate success it was suppressed within a few months. It enjoyed immense mass support, but it could not sustain for a long period of time. There are mainly two versions for the failure of the movement. One is from the point of view of Kanu Sanyal and other one is from the point of view of supporters of Charu Mazumdar. Kanu Sanyal's in his famous Report on the 'Terai Peasants’ Movement has penned down some of the reasons. The main reason according to him was excessive reliance on the spontaneity of the masses and taking them as armed forces. Among the other reasons were the inclusion of some vagabonds and making them leaders of the movement. Lack of proper plan for the redistribution of grabbed land led to conflicts among the peasants. But according to him the main defect was failure to establish a powerful mass base. Talking about military weakness of the movement, Kanu Sanyal admitted that the revolutionaries underrated the strength of the State machinery and thought that United Front Government would not go to the extent of suppressing the movement.^[8]

Land reforms[]

Hare Krishna Konar played a leading role in getting surplus land held by big land owners in excess of land ceiling laws and kept ‘benami’ (or false names) vested with the state. The quantum of land thus vested was around one million acres (4,000 km²) of good agricultural land. Subsequently, under the leadership of Hare Krishna Konar and Benoy Choudhury land was distributed amongst 2.4 million landless and poor farmers. It has been argued that this land reform along with Operation Barga formed the base for the Left Front victory in subsequent elections.^[9][10]

It was a strange quirk of history that at each stage of West Bengal's two phase land reforms there was a stalwart to guide and lead the Program. One was Hare Krishna Konar, the other Benoy Choudhury Both of them were totally committed to the cause, profound believers in the principles of 'Scientific' Socialism. The fearsome volatility of Konar was necessary to remove the immobility of the administration and to break the stranglehold of the landed gentry of West Bengal on the society and the political establishment in the late sixties. The amiable Gandhian mode of accommodation of Benoy Chaudhury was equally essential in another socio-political setting to carry a large majority of people with him for the success of the massive 'Operation Barga'. Each performed his unique role to carry out land reforms in two different historical situations. Soon after the first United Front (UF) government came to power in 1967, the first arrow of the now famous Naxalbari movement was shot, killing inspector Wangeli of the West Bengal police. The countryside was seething with discontent. It was a troubled time Hare Krishna Konar became the land and land revenue minister. His talks with his old compatriot Kanu Sanyal, held in a jungle about 6km away from the Sukna forest bungalow from midnight to early morning, had failed. The new government faced a militant peasant movement. Konar was convinced that any attempt to suppress the movement by the brute force of the repressive machinery of the state would help spread the movement through underground channels. Being a practitioner of the militant peasant movement himself, he knew the fish in water tactics of armed partisan action. He was determined to evaporate the water by weaning away the landless and land-poor peasantry by substantially meeting their land hunger. And that could be done only through vesting of ceiling surplus land held clandestinely by the landed gentry of the state. Shortly after he assumed power Hare Krishna Konar had me appointed as director of land records and surveys and put in charge of unearthing land held 'Benami' in excess of the ceiling and vesting them in the state through due process of law.^[11][10]

Ingenius strategy of Konar and Choudhury:-

Though the UF came to power with tremendous electoral support, it had to function strictly within the rigid parameters of the IndianConstitution, the established basic laws, Judicial review of executive action and set legal and administrative procedures and practises. Any threat to any of the established parameters would have led to a summary dismissal by the not so friendly central government. The political genius of Hare Krishna Konar lay in his ability to play his own ball game with the same set of rules which were apparently set against it. The Constitution of India guarantees the right to form associations and unions and to assemble peaceably. The Indian Evi-Dence Act permits disbelieving of documentary evidence on the strength of overwhelmingly reliable oral evidence. The Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC)(u/s 110) allows some sort of public participation for gathering evidence against a person allegedly engaged in "bad livelihood" in order to bind him down for good behaviour. Nowhere is it stated that the restraining powers under the CrPC should always be used against the peasantry and workers. If the agricultural workers and share-croppers assemble peacefully to espouse a cause, if public order was threatened by landowners, the latter could be restrained under the CrPC in the interest of maintenance of public order. Combine the essence of these constitutional and legal rights and procedures and you have the "Konar" recipe of legal reform with popular participation. It was so simple, so bold and so novel. Konar did not approve of the seizure and occupation by force of private property by peasants, even though such lands had in many cases been held 'benami'. Peasants, according to him, were conservative by nature. In their psyche private property was inviolable. Having lost their land through the process of exploitation, they hankered for their land as their own property. Hence illegal occupation of even illegally-held land would not absolve them of the sense of guilt for an illegal and even immoral action. Therefore they would not have the courage and determination to fight for their rights if threatened with eviction in a changed political situation. Konar, therefore, favoured the legal way of vesting land in the state. Once the land became the property of the state, what would happen to it would be a matter of state policy and no individual's property right would be involved. It may look strange for a revolutionary, but being a hard-headed realist, it made sense to Konar.^[11][10]

Abdullah Rasul (left), Hare Krishna Konar (center), Benoy chowdhury (right)

Barga Operation was his notable contribution to the people from Left Front Government of West Bengal. To begin with, group meetings between Officials and Bargadars were organized during "settlement camps" (also called "Reorientation camps"), where the bargadars could discuss their grievances. The first such camp was held at Halusai in Polba taluk in Hooghly district from 18 to 20 May 1978. In noted camp two Adibashi Borgaders objected procedure adopted by the official for Barga Operation. They suggested to start it organising people in the field instead of sitting in the houses of rural rich people or the places dominated by them. Having that report Hare Krishna Konar immediately reorganised action plan and successful Barga Operation was done.^[7][10]

Achievements[]

He won the elections to the state assembly from Kalna (Vidhan Sabha constituency) in 1957–1971.^[12]

He was Minister for Land and Land Revenue in the United Front ministries in 1967–1970.^[2][7]

He was the General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha from 1968–1974.

He was the Member of Central Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist) from 1964–1974.

FAMOUS PICTURE OF COMRADE HARE KRISHNA KONAR.

He was the Member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Kalna in 1957–1972.

He is one of the co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist).

He was the Founder of Communist Consolidation.

He was the main leader to successfully granted the Land Reform system in India.^[13]

He was the Member of West Bengal State Committee of Communist Party of India (Marxist) from 1964–1974.

Death[]

A great loss for Communist Party of India (Marxist) on 23 July 1974 in Kolkata only at the age of 58^[7]Legendary politician Hare Krishna Konar died due to his cancer. His sacrifice for Communist Party of India (Marxist) will never be forgotten.^[14]

Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Album[]

Some old pictures of Hare Krishna Konar^[15]

Hare Krishna Konar in (1950).

In a Rally of Communist Party of India (Marxist). (Jyoti Basu and Hare Krishna Konar).

A. K. Gopalan, Jyoti Basu, Hare Krishna Konar and Muzaffar Ahmad. (In a Conference of Communist Party of India (Marxist) held in Delhi).

B. T. Ranadive, Jyoti Basu and Hare Krishna Konar. (In front of Communist Leader Muzaffar Ahmad at his last breath).

Hare Krishna Konar in (1970).

Hare Krishna Konar in his office.

In a conference of All India Kisan Sabha.

Susheela Gopalan (leftside front), Hare Krishna Konar (backward), A. K. Gopalan (rightside backward) and Biva Konar (rightside front).

General Secretary of All India Kisan Sabha Comrade Hare Krishna Konar giving speech in a AIKS meeting.

A. K. Gopalan, Hare Krishna Konar and Harkishan Singh Surjeet. (Standing for to take photo).

The kisan (কৃষক) of our country taking photo with comrade A. K. Gopalan and comrade Hare Krishna Konar.

Four co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist) are sitting here. (Jyoti Basu, B. T. Ranadive, Makineni Basavapunnaiah and Hare Krishna Konar).

Two co-founders of Communist Party of India (Marxist). (A. K. Gopalan and Hare Krishna Konar).

Hare Krishna Konar and Benoy Choudhury. (In a Conference with Chinese Communist Party in Beijing, China).

Front row: Lyallpuri, A. K. Gopalan, Jyoti Basu, Hare Krishna Konar, Muzaffar Ahmad, P. Sundarayya, Harkishan Singh Surjeet, E. M. S. Namboodiripad, M. Basavapunnaiah, Promode Dasgupta, P. Ramamurthi and others 19 leaders. (In the first central committee meeting of Communist Party of India (Marxist) on 7 November 1964).

Harkishan Singh Surjeet, E.M.S Namboodiripad, B.T. Ranadive, Hare Krishna Konar, Jyoti Basu, Makineni Basavapunnaiah, Promode Dasgupta and many other CPI(M) leaders are standing here.

Hare Krishna Konar, Muzaffar Ahmad, A. K. Gopalan, Abdullah Rasul. (In All India Kisan Sabha confrence held in kolkata).

See also[]

• Communist Party of India (Marxist), Founder.

• Communist Consolidation, Founder.

• Left Front (West Bengal), First Left Front Government.

• Bangabasi College, Notable Alumni.

• List of University of Calcutta people, Alumni Others.

• Benoy Choudhury, Companion and Friend.

• Benoy Krishna Konar, Brother.

References[]