Institut Montaigne

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Founded in 2000, Institut Montaigne is a nonprofit, transpartisan think tank based in Paris, France. Institut Montaigne's mission is to propose practical public policy recommendations to improve social cohesion, competitiveness and public spending in a variety of policy fields.[1][2] Its work is based on international benchmarks and collaborations between experts from the French business community, academia, civil society and government.

Research[]

Institut Montaigne focuses on four main policy fields:[3]

  • Social cohesion: education, higher education, employment, lifelong learning
  • Public policy: pension, justice, healthcare, environment, European issues
  • Competitiveness: firms, energy, transports, SMB, digital economy, financial markets regulation
  • Public finances: taxation, local finances, public spending, local authorities.

Institut Montaigne is also involved in promoting innovative democratic platforms. In 2011, the think tank led an ambitious research program under the supervision of Gilles Kepel on the suburban cities of Clichy-sous-Bois and Montfermeil where the 2005 riots sparked. The findings were published in the book “Banlieue de la République”.[4] This work was later completed by “Passion française”, a political essay based on a series of interviews conducted in the cities of Roubaix and Marseille to meet candidates of foreign origin who ran for the 2012 legislative elections.[5]

Institut Montaigne feeds the public debate by providing accurate data and assessment tools[citation needed]. During the 2012 presidential campaign, Institut Montaigne forecasted the budgetary impact of the main candidates’ programs.[6] A similar initiative was undertaken during the 2014 municipal campaign in France's 10 largest cities,[7] as well as for the 2015 regional campaign.[8] During the 2017 presidential campaign, on top of quantitative analyses, it evaluated over 120 electoral program promises and proposals.[9]

Institut Montaigne also developed the first serious game dedicated to public finances, allowing players to understand how budgetary and macroeconomic policies impact the French public deficit and the national debt.[10]

Institut organizes political forums to which citizens are invited to draft new policies. For instance, in 2012, Institut Montaigne held a citizen's conference on the French healthcare system.[11] A representative panel of 25 participants was informed of the functioning of the healthcare system, its challenges and its issues. After a series of workshops, the panel released a report in which it stated its main policy proposals.

Activities[]

Institut Montaigne expresses concrete policy proposals to enhance both competitiveness and social cohesion. The ideas are conveyed through four types of publications:

  • Reports, which is the work produced by dedicated taskforces
  • Studies, produced by one or a group of experts
  • Policy briefs, which react to current policy issues
  • Books and collective works, which provide an in-depth analysis of a specific issue.

Recent publications (in English)

  • A New Strategy for France in a New Arab World (August 2017)
  • Syria: to End a Never-Ending War (June 2017)
  • What Role for Cars in Tomorrow’s World? (June 2017)
  • The Europe We Need (March 2017)
  • The Circular Economy: Reconciling Economic Growth with the Environment (November 2016)
  • A French Islam Is Possible (September 2016)
  • Rebuilding France’s National Security (September 2016)
  • Religious Discrimination in Access to Employment: a Reality (October 2015)
  • Big Data and the Internet of Things: Making France a Leader in the Digital Revolution (April 2015)

Controversies[]

Actions during the 2012 presidential campaign[]

In April 2012, the Montaigne Institute was criticized for doing disguised advertising for Nicolas Sarkozy, while the advertising of political parties is prohibited.[12] Indeed, a proposal resulting from the advertising campaign carried out from March to April by the Montaigne institute was compared to certain remarks made by the president-candidate, Nicolas Sarkozy, leading the CSA to investigate the file.[13][14][15]
This proposal had already been formulated by the Montaigne Institute in 2006 in a study by Jacques Bichot.[16]
Other proposals put forward during this campaign echo François Hollande's programs, such as those on priority in primary school, defended by the Montaigne Institute in its report Vaincre Failure in Primary School in 2010.[17]

Following the intervention of the CSA, BFMTV, BFM Radio or even RMC cease broadcasting for the duration of the campaign of the spots of the Institut Montaigne in favor of Nicolas Sarkozy's proposals.[18] The Montaigne Institute also quantified the measures proposed by the candidates for the presidential election, in partnership with the newspaper Les Échos.[19][20]
The quality of this work has sometimes been disputed; for Médiapart "the ideological presuppositions, the absence of a guarantee on the impartiality of the calculations or the secret kept on the identity of the" encryptors "cast suspicion on this project".[20]

During the campaign, La Chaîne européenne (LCP) had Laurent Bigorgne, then director of the Montaigne Institute, as editorial writer for his political program Thèmes de campagne.[21] This program, presented by Patrick Poivre d'Arvor, received, from March to June 2012, Pascal Lamy, Nicole Notat, Thierry Breton and Jacques Attali.[22]

Actions during the 2017 presidential campaign[]

The president of the institute, Laurent Bigorgne, contributes to Emmanuel Macron's campaign from April 2016.[18]

In its analysis, carried out with the newspaper Les Échos, of the candidates' economic programs, the Montaigne Institute supports that of Emmanuel Macron and severely criticizes the left candidates Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Benoit Hamon.[18]

The institute subsequently exhibits a certain proximity to the government. Prime Minister Édouard Philippe goes in November 2018 to the lunch that the think tank organizes between member companies and political figures. Laurent Bigorgne was appointed in June 2018 member of the Public Action Committee 2022, installed by the prime minister to design the state reform project, then was invited to debate with Emmanuel Macron on March 22, 2019, with sixty-five other intellectuals, to deal with the yellow vests crisis. Gilles Babinet, the institute's referent on the digital issue, was appointed by the government as vice-president of the National Digital Council in May 2018.[18]

The Institut Montaigne, financial regulation, and the subject of public or private corruption[]

The institute details its work and firm positions in terms of financial regulation and against bribery on the French version of this entry.
The presence on the steering committee of Marwan Lahoud, a former Airbus executive cited by numerous publications as being at the center of a commission system, in the large-scale corruption scandal concerning Airbus.,[23][24][25][26] also raises the question of the Institut Montaigne's report on these questions.

Organisation[]

Board of directors[]

  • Henri de Castries, president, Institut Montaigne
  • David Azéma,Vice President of Institut Montaigne, partner at Perella Weinberg Partners
  • Emmanuelle Barbara, managing partner, August Debouzy
  • Marguerite Bérard, head of BNP Paribas French Retail Banking
  • Jean-Pierre Clamadieu, chairman of the board of directors, Engie
  • Marwan Lahoud, chairman of ACE Capital Partners
  • Fleur Pellerin, former Minister, founder and CEO, Korelya Capital
  • Natalie Rastoin, senior advisor of WPP
  • René Ricol, partner/co-founder, Ricol Lasteyrie Corporate Finance
  • Jean-Dominique Senard, vice president of Institut Montaigne, chairman of the board of directors, Renault
  • Arnaud Vaissié, co-founder and CEO, International SOS
  • Natacha Valla, economist and dean of science Po's School of Management and Innovation
  • Florence Verzelen, executive vice president, Dassault Systèmes
  • Philippe Wahl, CEO, La Poste Groupe

Experts[]

Institut Montaigne brings together a number of experts who provide research, policy recommendations, and analyses on a full range of public policy issues, in particular on our blogs.

  • Gilles Babinet, advisor on digital issues
  • Nicolas Bauquet, contributor on public transformation issues
  • Nicolas Baverez, contributor on defense issues
  • Dalila Berritane, contributor on African issues
  • Patrick Calvar, special advisor on security and defense issues
  • Eric Chaney, economic advisor
  • Mathieu Duchâtel, contributor on Asian issues
  • Michel Duclos, special advisor for geopolitics
  • Hakim El Karoui, senior fellow
  • Benjamin Fremaux, senior fellow – energy and climate
  • François Godement, senior advisor for Asia
  • Christophe Jaffrelot, contributor in Indian issues
  • Marc Lazar, contributor on French and European political and institutional issues
  • Théophile Lenoir, contributor on digital issues
  • Angèle Malâtre-Lansac, contributor on health issues
  • Cécile Maisonneuve, senior fellow – cities, territories, sustainable development
  • Bertrand Martinot, senior fellow – apprenticeship, employment, professional training
  • Laure Millet, contributor on health issues
  • Dominique Moïsi, special advisor for geopolitics
  • Franck Morel, senior fellow – labor, employment, social dialogue
  • Soli Özel, senior fellow – international relations
  • Alexandre Robinet-Borgomano, contributor on Germany
  • Bruno Tertrais, senior fellow – strategic affairs
  • Jean-Paul Tran Thiet, senior fellow
  • Francis Vérillaud, special advisor
  • Georgina Wright, contributor on European issues

Permanent staff[]

Laurent Bigorgne has been the managing director of Institut Montaigne since 2011. Thirty-five permanent members of staff work there.[27]

Budget and financial resources[]

Institut Montaigne is a non-profit organization, depending on the French law of 1901. In 2020, Institut Montaigne's annual budget amounted to 6.6 million euros. More than 190 companies, of all sizes and all industries, contribute every year to its operation, each one of them representing less than 2% of the total budget. About 300 legal persons also support Institut Montaigne's procedure. Their total support represents 1% of the operating budget of Institut Montaigne.

Members (the list is current as of 18 December 2017):

References[]

  1. ^ "About us". Institut Montaigne. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  2. ^ "Institut Montaigne - Data.gouv.fr". www.data.gouv.fr. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  3. ^ "Publications | Institut Montaigne". Institut Montaigne. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  4. ^ "Accueil | BANLIEUE DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE". www.banlieue-de-la-republique.fr (in French). Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  5. ^ "Passion française. Les voix des cités". Institut Montaigne. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  6. ^ "Chiffrages | Déchiffrages 2012". www.chiffrages-dechiffrages2012.fr. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  7. ^ "Municipales 2014 : chiffrage des programmes - Accueil". Municipales 2014. Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  8. ^ "Élections Régionales 2015 | Institut Montaigne". Élections Régionales 2015 (in French). Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  9. ^ "Institut Montaigne | Présidentielle 2017". Institut Montaigne - Présidentielle 2017 (in French). Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  10. ^ "L'atelier des finances publiques de l'Institut Montaigne". financespubliques.fr (in French). Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  11. ^ "Conférence de Citoyens | Une réflexion citoyenne sur la santé, une initiative de l'Institut Montaigne". www.conferencedecitoyens.fr (in French). Retrieved 2017-12-22.
  12. ^ "Une pub déguisée pour Sarkozy à la télé ?". L'Obs.
  13. ^ "Institut Montaigne, pub déguisée pour Sarkozy ? - Par La rédaction | Arrêt sur images". www.arretsurimages.net.
  14. ^ Mediapart, La rédaction de. "Une publicité déguisée pour Sarkozy en question". Mediapart.
  15. ^ "Une publicité déguisée pour l'UMP pourrait être interdite" – via www.tdg.ch.
  16. ^ "TVA, CSG, IR, cotisations...Comment financer la protection sociale". Institut Montaigne.
  17. ^ "Vaincre l'échec à l'école primaire". Institut Montaigne.
  18. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Rzepski, Grégory (December 1, 2019). "Ces viviers où prolifèrent les " experts " médiatiques". Le Monde diplomatique.
  19. ^ "Présidentielle : « Les échos » et l'Institut Montaigne engagent le chiffrage des programmes pour 2012". Les Echos. November 14, 2011.
  20. ^ Jump up to: a b Mauduit, Laurent. "Présidentielle 2012: chiffrages, déchiffrages, enfumages..." Mediapart.
  21. ^ "Le (faux) nez du patronat dans une émission de LCP ? - Par Sébastien Rochat | Arrêt sur images". www.arretsurimages.net.
  22. ^ "Émissions". LCP Assemblée nationale.
  23. ^ He is cited by many publications as being at the center of a system of illegal commissions. In Great Britain, the Financial Times (see https://www.ft.com/content/f7a01a60-442b-11ea-abea-0c7a29cd66fe) published on January 31, 2020, in an article entitled "Airbus ran 'massive' bribery 'schemes to win orders", a photo of him with this title: "Marwan Lahoud, who ran the organization of strategy and marketing of Airbus, SMO, a division dedicated to securing sales in emerging markets and at the heart of a catalog of offenses ”. In Germany, the Handelsblatt wrote a long article on September 10, 2017 on these corruption cases, and in particular: "Although the case of Kazakhstan is serious enough, there could be worse to come as investigators turn to contracts civil aviation with China and Turkey. In the latter case, Mr. Lahoud is said to have signed $ 250 million in bribes. Airbus denies allegations, but some say Mr. Lahoud's sudden departure from the company last February now appears in a new light "
  24. ^ Philippin, martine orange and Yann. "The secret Kazakh bung worrying Airbus". Mediapart.
  25. ^ Philippin, martine orange and Yann. "The huge corruption scandal threatening Airbus". Mediapart.
  26. ^ In January 2020, the press announced that the French, British and American courts had validated the agreements made earlier in the week by Airbus and the French National Financial Prosecutor's Office (PNF), the British Serious Fraud Office (SFO) and the Department of Justice ( DOJ) American35, under which the European group Airbus recognizes corrupt practices in around twenty specific files, and undertakes to pay fines totaling 3.6 billion euros: 2.08 billion in France under a judicial agreement of public interest (CJIP), 984 million in the United Kingdom and 526 million in the United States.(see : https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/020220/airbus-paye-36-milliards-d-euros-pour-solder-douze-ans-de-corruption-massive and also https://www.mediapart.fr/en/journal/france/010817/huge-corruption-scandal-threatening-airbus
  27. ^ "About us". Institut Montaigne. Retrieved 2021-05-17.
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