KHAM theory

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KHAM[1] (hindi: खाम) stands for Koli Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslim. Here Kshatriya is taken to include the Kolis.[2] in the Kham combine, Kolis were the largest caste represented at different lavels of politics and Madhavsinh Solanki increased the reservation quota for Other Backward Class in Gujarat.[3] The theory was propounded by Madhavsinh Solanki in 1980s in Gujarat to create vote bank for Indian National Congress and prepared by Jhinabhai Darji.[4][5][6] Using the formula, Congress was able to capture 149 seats in the 182-member Assembly. However the formula alienated Patels permanently from Congress.[7][8] during the Kham alliance, castes such as Bania, Patidar and Brahmins lost their importance in state so they propounded the Anti reservation agitation in 1981 and 1985 in Gujarat to get ride of the power of OBC castes.[9]

Bharatsinh Solanki, state Congress president and the son of Madhavsinh Solanki, attempted to revise his fathers formula by coming up with KHAMP (Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi, Muslim and Patel) in 2017.[10] While Congress was able to increase its seat count by 16, it ultimately failed to receive majority. The Congress was able to get Hardik Patel, the leader of the Patidar reservation agitation to campaign for it.[11]

An article by Deepal Trivedi in 2019 suggests the combination OPT (OBC, Patidar, Tribals) is the new winning combination in Gujarat. It suggests these numbers for the major caste groups in Gujarat: OBC 43%, Patidar 12.6%, Tribals 15%, Muslims 10%, Scheduled castes 8%. The forward castes are Rajputs 6%, Brahmins 2%, Bania 2%, Jain 1%. [12] OBC (Other backward class) refer to a group of castes, as determined by the state government for affirmative action.

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References[]

  1. ^ Chatterji, Rakhahari (2001). Politics India: The State-society Interface. New Delhi, India: South Asian Publishers. p. 322. ISBN 978-81-7003-245-8.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  2. ^ Gupta, Dipankar (1996). Political Sociology in India: Contemporary Trends. New Delhi, India: Orient Blackswan. p. 103. ISBN 978-81-250-0665-7.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  3. ^ Lobo, Lancy (1995). The Thakors of North Gujarat: A Caste in the Village and the Region. New Delhi, India: Hindustan Publishing Corporation. p. 176. ISBN 978-81-7075-035-2.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  4. ^ "The fixed centre around which Gujarat caste politics revolves". The Indian Express. 27 August 2015. Retrieved 31 August 2015.
  5. ^ Shani, Ornit (2007). Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in Gujarat. Cambridge University Press. pp. 70. ISBN 978-0-521-68369-2.
  6. ^ Engineer, Asghar Ali (2003). Introduction. The Gujarat Carnage. New Delhi: Orient Longman. pp. 1–24. ISBN 81-250-2496-4.
  7. ^ Bhattacharya, D. P. (6 November 2012). "Looking past 2012". Mail Today. Retrieved 5 August 2014.
  8. ^ Langa, Mahesh (23 August 2015). "Quota agitation in Gujarat heading for caste conflicts?". The Hindu. Retrieved 23 August 2015.
  9. ^ Shinoda, Takashi (2002). The Other Gujarat. India: Popular Prakashan. ISBN 978-81-7154-874-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  10. ^ Congress will go for ‘KHAM’ formula, Kundan Jha, Sunday Guardian Live, July 8, 2017
  11. ^ [https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/the-patel-factor-the-real-influence-on-gujarats-elections/articleshow/61992704.cms The Patel vote: The decisive factor in Gujarat Elections, Dec 11,2017, TOI, http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/61992704.cms]
  12. ^ Deepal Trivedi (9 April 2019). "OPT is the new KHAM of Gujarat". Ahmedabad Mirror. Archived from the original on 6 April 2019.


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