Let Us Continue

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Let Us Continue
Lyndon B. Johnson delivering "Let Us Continue" speech (cropped).png
Lyndon B. Johnson delivering the speech
DateSeptember 23, 1963 (1963-09-23)
Duration≈ 25 minutes
VenueUnited States Capitol
LocationWashington, D.C.
Coordinates38°53′23″N 77°00′32″W / 38.88972°N 77.00889°W / 38.88972; -77.00889
TypeSpeech
ParticipantsPresident Lyndon B. Johnson
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An excerpt from the speech where Johnson says "Let Us Continue".

Let Us Continue is a speech that President Lyndon B. Johnson delivered to both houses of Congress on November 27, 1963, five days after the assassination of his predecessor John F. Kennedy. It was a eulogy for the murdered president, an attempt to lift up the shaken American nation, a legitimation of Johnson's new presidential power and a sketch of his political program. The almost 25-minute speech is considered one of the most important in his political career.

Background[]

Lyndon B. Johnson at his swearing-in. Jacqueline Kennedy on his right.

On November 22, 1963, President John F. Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas at about 12:30 p.m. CST. With Kennedy's death, his vice president Lyndon B. Johnson became the president. Johnson took the oath of office aboard Air Force One.[1] After the plane landed at Andrews Air Force Base near Washington, D.C., Johnson gave a brief address to the public, which lasted less than 40 seconds.[2] Kennedy's widow Jacqueline Kennedy, his brother Robert F. Kennedy and his children remained at the center of media and public attention in the following days.[3] This applied to a large extent to the funeral ceremonies on November 25, 1963.[4]

Johnson, who had fallen into political isolation with his vice-presidency was systematically pushed aside by many of Kennedy's advisers.[5][6] Following the assassination, immediately upon his arrival at his official vice-presidential residence at the Executive Office Building, Johnson spoke with Everett Dirksen – the Republican leader in the Senate, and with John W. McCormack – the Democratic speaker of the House of Representatives.[7] In the following days, he held telephone calls and meetings with various union leaders and representatives of the civil rights movement like Martin Luther King and Whitney Young. Johnson also contacted the opinion leaders of political liberalism and conservatism in Congress.[8] He asked for support and help in the task of leading the United States out of the crisis that had been caused by Kennedy's assassination. He also pursued this intention on November 25, 1963, when he met with state governors.[9][10] To publicly emphasize stability by the continuity of government work, Johnson made efforts to persuade key persons from the Kennedy administration to stay in office.[11] Subsequently, prominent Kennedy advisers and cabinet members including Robert McNamara, Dean Rusk, McGeorge Bundy, Ted Sorensen, Pierre Salinger, and Adlai Stevenson II continued in their official positions.[12][13][14] Even Robert F. Kennedy, who had been associated with Johnson in mutual dislike since their first meeting, was persuaded to continue his duties as the Attorney General.[15][16][17]

Preparation for the speech[]

Horace Busby
Horace Busby
Ted Sorensen
Ted Sorensen

On November 23, former President Dwight D. Eisenhower had a conversation with Johnson, in which he suggested that Johnson to deliver a speech to both houses of Congress. The Capitol seemed suitable for the speech, as Johnson had served long as a senator, often referred to as Master of the Senate.[18] In the afternoon of November 23, 1963, it was decided that the speech would be delivered four days later on November 27th.[19] Many Americans did not knew Johnson, and it was necessary to establish trust and sense of leadership.[20] The speech was decided to be broadcast on television.[21] Johnson put together a team to develop speech drafts. It included Ted Sorensen, John Kenneth Galbraith, McGeorge Bundy, Horace Busby and Bill Moyers.[22][23] A number of other men provided essential ideas and thoughts for the planned speech; inputs came from Eisenhower,[24] Abe Fortas (a lawyer and friend of Johnson),[25] Senator Hubert Humphrey (a key liberals in the Democratic Party), Senator Mike Mansfield (Whip of the Democrats in the Senate), Dean Rusk, Douglas Dillon (secretary of the Treasury), Adlai Stevenson, Orville Freeman (secretary of Agriculture) and Kermit Gordon (director of the Bureau of the Budget).[26] Galbraith provided a draft that Johnson initially agreed to; however, on November 25, Sorensen vehemently opposed Galbraith's draft. Sorensen's opinion was important to Johnson, because Sorensen was the author of various Kennedy speeches. Subsequently on November 23, Sorensen was commissioned to draft a speech.[27]

Sorensen presented a draft that paid tribute to Kennedy, and seemed like his personal obituary.[28][29] In his versions of the draft, Johnson remained in the shadow of his predecessor. Johnson had presented himself to the public as someone who at best implemented the ideas of his predecessor, but was unwilling to take on independent and hands-on leadership.[30] Based on useful elements from Sorensen's draft, Senator Humphrey, Abe Fortas, Walter Jenkins, Jack Valenti, Bill Moyers, and Horace Busby provided the synthesis and fine-tuning on the night of November 26.[31] Busby suggested and inserted the formative words "Let Us Continue" on November 26. In doing so, he reminded Kennedy's inaugural speech of January 20, 1961, in which Kennedy said: Let us begin. The allusion to Kennedy's words made became an instrument for highlighting Johnson's leadership, which pushed for action, especially the political implementation of programs and legislation that had come to a complete standstill. Busby made sure that Johnson did not disappear behind Kennedy, but as a political leader, call on his countrymen to fulfill the destiny that history had given up on Americans. Johnson had insisted on addressing civil rights prominently the evening before the speech. His advisors considered this topic detrimental because progress could not be achieved in the congress due to the obstruction policy of Southern politicians. Replying to them, Johnson drastically asked: "What the hell's the presidency for?"[32]

After at-least 9 draft versions,[33] Johnson studied the final version on November 27. He made only minor changes and added hints where he, in danger of speaking too quickly, planned a pause. Underscores marked the words he wanted to emphasize.[34]

Address to the joint session[]

Structure of the speech[]

Manuscript of "Let Us Continue", Lyndon B. Johnson's address to the Joint Congress on November 27, 1963.pdf
Manuscript of the speech, filed by the National Archives and Records Administration

The speech began with a tribute to Kennedy and his work. Johnson then declared his intention to maintain continuity in American foreign policy. It was followed by a passage devoted primarily to domestic politicy. Johnson then addressed his words directly to the members of Congress; they should decide on a tax reform and a bill to reduce racial discrimination.[35] In return, Johnson promised budgetary discipline.[35] He stressed that as a former member of Congress he would respect the independence of the legislature and at the same time assume that the legislature would now act accordingly. The request for national and political cohesion led to the end of the speech, which concluded with a few lines from the patriotic song America the Beautiful.[35]

Key messages and style[]

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President Johnson's address to the joint session

Johnson emphasized at the outset that no word was enough to gauge the grief that Kennedy's assassination had caused. He immediately attached an antithesis to this:No word, he said, was strong enough to express the Americans' determination to continue the American push for progress begun by Kennedy. Already at this early point he highlighted Kennedy's initiatives against racial segregation, "the dream of equal rights for all Americans, whatever their race or color."[36] At the same time, he stressed that it was no longer just about noble ideals, but about "effective action".[36] At this point, Johnson recalled not only the "dream" of equal rights, but also "dreams" of education for young people, of jobs for all, of care for the elderly and of a comprehensive fight against mental illness.

In his remarks on continuity in foreign policy, the new President emphasized that America will keep its commitments — from West Berlin to South Vietnam. This was a warning to powers such as the Soviet Union or China, which in the Americans' view threatened freedom.

Johnson called on the members of Congress to take legislative action now. In his rhetoric, he again used strong contrasting pairs and metaphors, urging them to help him. The assassination had placed the burden of the presidency on him. He could not carry it alone, but only with the help of Congress and the Americans. Uncertainty, doubts and delays had to be put aside; one had to show that one was capable of decisive action. The loss of Kennedy should not be a source of weakness, but of strength. Alluding to the Kennedy word let us begin, Johnson formulated let us continue.

The Texas born president stated concretely: The earliest possible passing of the civil rights law, for which Kennedy had fought for so long, was a more eloquent tribute to the murdered man than any eulogy or eulogy of mourning. Moreover, Johnson emphasized that equal rights had been talked about long enough, a hundred years or more. "It is time now to write the next chapter, and to write it in the books of law."[36] All traces of discrimination and oppression based on race or skin color should be eliminated.

Johnson also demanded from Congress to pass a tax reform that would bring tax relief.[37] This would increase the national income, as well as the federal income. The tax reform was conceived in the spirit of a supply-oriented economic policy. Like Kennedy before him, Johnson hoped it would have positive effects on the labor market and on business.

For their cooperation in the urgently needed measures, the President promised Congress members strict budgetary discipline, knowing that the draft budget had been blocked in Congress because it had exceeded the critical $100 billion mark in the eyes of key fiscal policymakers, most notably Harry Byrd.[38][39]

Johnson was aware that such demands could give the appearance of disregarding the autonomy of Congress. He countered this impression by asserting that he firmly believed in the independence and integrity of the legislature. Respect for this autonomy was in line with his deep conviction. With equal steadfastness, he assumed that the Congress was capable of intelligent, energetic and immediate action. He emphasized: "The need is here. The need is now. I ask your help."[36]

Johnson's call for action was expressed in the speech by the frequent use of the term action, which he used ten times. He had already repeatedly asked for help in talks with representatives of various interest groups and with individuals.[40] Also in his address to both chambers of Congress, he twice explicitly asked for help.

The speaker also used repetitions in other parts of the speech to convey his message clearly. This stylistic device was used right at the beginning of the speech when Johnson spoke of the murdered man's survival ("he lives on"). Also at the beginning he used the means of repetition when he recalled the political dreams that Kennedy had begun to realize ("the dream of ..."). In the further course of the speech, the speaker started repeating what should not happen in the crisis: "not to hesitate, not to pause, not to turn about and linger over this evil moment".[36] He used the key verb continue five times.[21]

Johnson was not referring to Kennedy alone. Toward the end he alluded to a phrase from Abraham Lincoln's famous Gettysburg Address from 1863:[41] "So let us here highly resolve that John Fitzgerald Kennedy did not live – or die – in vain."[36]

Performance and immediate reactions[]

Lady Bird Johnson, her daughters Lynda and Luci and other people in the family box during the speech.

Johnson's distinct southern accent could distract listeners from the content and even turned some of them against the speaker. Although Johnson felt that his lecturing skills could not compete with Kennedy's, he gradually improved his skills.[42] Johnson struggled for long stretches of his life with his temperament, which could also thwart the intended effects of his public appearances. These included his tendency to speak too quickly, to row his arms hectically, and the restlessness of his hands. In the phase of the transition of presidential power to himself, he had these and other personal weaknesses under control.[43]

Johnson's speech was interrupted 34 times by applause of the audience.[44] Apart from the members of the congress, Johnson's wife Lady Bird Johnson, and his daughters, government members and advisors, Supreme court justices, members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, foreign diplomats and many members of the press were present.[45] The applause was longest and loudest when Johnson called on Congress to swiftly pass a civil rights bill.[46] Strong applause also followed toward the end of Johnson's speech, when he called for national and political cohesion across all differences.[47] His listeners finally reacted with standing ovations after he had finished his speech, referring back to song lines from America the Beautiful — very slowly, with a lot of feeling, with a very soft, almost breaking voice.[48][49] However, not all congress members applauded during the speech. Republicans held back in many moments. In particular, however, no southern politicians applauded Johnson's call for a civil rights bill.[50][21]

Evaluation and aftermath[]

President Johnson and Lady Bird Johnson entering the White House
President Johnson and Lady Bird Johnson entering the White House

Various newspapers, including The New York Times, The Washington Post, The New York Herald Tribune, and The Boston Herald praised the speech. In the following weeks, various letters and telegrams to the White House showed that the speech was also received positively outside the press.[51] The echo in the international press of Western Europe, Latin America (including Cuba) and the Middle East was also favorable.[51] According to Ashley Barrett, the speech was one of the most important in Johnson's career, and had an overwhelming success.[52] Robert Dallek judged that few other factors had contributed more to the successful transfer of power than this speech.[53] Robert A. Caro called the speech a "triumph".[54]

Soon after his address, Johnson succeeded in getting the long-blocked budget, including a tax reform bill, passed by Congress.[55] Immediately thereafter, efforts began to push through the Civil Rights Act, which succeeded despite considerable resistance from Southern politicians in July 1964. Polls showed high approval ratings for Johnson. Between March and May 1964, his approval rose from 70 to 77 percent.[56] The speech has also been artistically processed. The television film All the Way (2016), starring Bryan Cranston, picked it up in the very first minutes.[57] The film is based on a play with the same title, written by Robert Schenkkan, premiered in 2012.

References[]

  1. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 307–336.
  2. ^ Remarks at Andrews AFB 1963.
  3. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 101.
  4. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 378–388.
  5. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 199–207.
  6. ^ Dallek 1998, pp. 7, 44.
  7. ^ Witherspoon 1987, p. 531.
  8. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 406–409.
  9. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 418–420.
  10. ^ Kiewe 1994, p. 77.
  11. ^ Dallek 1998, p. 49.
  12. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 409–414.
  13. ^ Goodwin 1976, p. 174.
  14. ^ Dallek 1998, pp. 87–90.
  15. ^ Dallek 1998, pp. 32–38.
  16. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 61–63.
  17. ^ Dallek 1998, pp. 50, 57.
  18. ^ Lyndon B. Johnson: Master of the Senate.
  19. ^ Witherspoon 1987, p. 532.
  20. ^ Caro 2012, p. 426.
  21. ^ Jump up to: a b c Unger 1999, p. 293.
  22. ^ Pace 2000.
  23. ^ Witherspoon 1987, p. 533.
  24. ^ Johnson 1971, pp. 32–33.
  25. ^ Dallek 1998, p. 26.
  26. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 78.
  27. ^ Caro 2012, p. 399.
  28. ^ Kiewe 1994, p. 80.
  29. ^ Tofel 2008.
  30. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 105.
  31. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 108.
  32. ^ Caro 2012, pp. xiv, 428.
  33. ^ Kiewe 1994, p. 79.
  34. ^ Caro 2012, p. 428.
  35. ^ Jump up to: a b c Witherspoon 1987, p. 536-538.
  36. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Johnson 1964, pp. 149–156.
  37. ^ Gittinger & Fisher 2004.
  38. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 466–472.
  39. ^ Dallek 1998, pp. 71–74.
  40. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 334, 365, 368, 406, 419, 421.
  41. ^ Bornet 1988, p. 47.
  42. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 97.
  43. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 426–429, 433, 602.
  44. ^ Witherspoon 1987, p. 537.
  45. ^ Caro 2012, p. 429.
  46. ^ Caro 2012, p. 431.
  47. ^ Kiewe 1994, p. 84.
  48. ^ Barrett 2009, p. 98.
  49. ^ Caro 2012, p. 432.
  50. ^ Woods 2007, p. 435.
  51. ^ Jump up to: a b Witherspoon 1987, p. 538.
  52. ^ Barrett 2009, pp. 97, 108.
  53. ^ Dallek 2004, p. 146.
  54. ^ Caro 2012, p. 435.
  55. ^ Caro 2012, pp. 466–483, 552–557.
  56. ^ Caro 2012, p. 595.
  57. ^ All the Way at IMDb.

Works cited[]

Books and journals
  • Dallek, Robert (1998). Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and his times, 1961–1973. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-505465-1. LCCN 97039084. OL 691919M.
  • Barrett, Ashley (2009). "Lyndon B. Johnson, "Let Us Continue"" (PDF). Voice of Democracy (4 ed.). pp. 97–119. Retrieved September 16, 2021.
  • Kiewe, Amos (1994). The Modern presidency and crisis rhetoric. Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-94176-5. LCCN 92037528. OL 1732834M.
  • Witherspoon, Patricia D. (1987). "'Let Us Continue:' The Rhetorical Initiation of Lyndon Johnson's Presidency". Presidential Studies Quarterly. Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress. 17 (3): 531–539. JSTOR 27550444.
  • Caro, Robert A. (2012). The Passage of Power. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0-679-40507-8. LCCN 2012010752. OL 25270398M.
  • Bornet, Vaughn Davis (1988). The Presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 978-0-7006-0237-7. LCCN 83012560. OL 19536837M.
  • Woods, Randall B. (2007). LBJ: Architect of American Ambition. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02699-5. OL 9504067M.
  • Unger, Irwin (1999). LBJ: A Life. Wiley. ISBN 978-0-471-17602-2. OL 7612846M.
  • Dallek, Robert (2004). Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515920-2. LCCN 2003011360. OL 3675369M.
  • Johnson, Lyndon B. (1971). The Vantage Point: Perspectives of the Presidency, 1963–1969. Rinehart and Winston. ISBN 978-0-03-084492-8. LCCN 74102146. OL 5075564M.
  • Goodwin, Doris Kearns (1976). Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream. Signet Press. ISBN 978-0-233-96839-1. OCLC 1173459482.
  • Johnson, Lyndon B. (1964). A Time For Action: A Selection From the Speeches and Writings of Lyndon B. Johnson, 1953–64. Atheneum Publishers. OL 5914145M.
  • Gittinger, Ted; Fisher, Allen (2004). "LBJ Champions the Civil Rights Act of 1964". Prologue. Vol. 36 no. 2. Retrieved September 17, 2021.
Other sources

External links[]

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