Patrianovism

Brazilian Imperial Patrianovist Action Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira
Abbreviation	Pátria-Nova
President	Arlindo Veiga dos Santos (1932–1934) (?) Arlindo Veiga dos Santos (1936–1937)
General Secretary	Guilherme Auler[1]
Founder	Arlindo Veiga dos Santos
Founded	March 3, 1932 (1932-03-03) 1955 (1955)
Dissolved	November 10, 1937 (1937-11-10) 1964 (1964)
Preceded by	CMCSP Pátria Nova[2]
Headquarters	São Paulo[3]
Newspaper	Monarquia ("Monarchy")[4][5] Pátria-Nova ("New-Fatherland")[6]
Paramilitary	Guarda Imperial Patrianovista ("Imperial Patrianovist Guard")[7]
Membership (1937)	(allegedly) 250.000[8]
Ideology	Traditional monarchism[9] Anti-communism[10][11][7] Anti-liberalism[11][12][13] Anti-Constitution[12][4] Municipalism[14][15] Corporatism[4][16][17][18] Anti-Freemasonry[11] Anti-Partisanship[11][19] Integral Nationalism[11] Anti-Semitic
Political position	Far-right
Religion	Catholic Church
Slogan	Sem Rei não há União Nacional ("With no King there is no National Unity")[5]
Politics of Brazil Political parties Elections

The Brazilian Patrianovist Imperial Action (Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira, AIPB), Pátria-Nova, or simply Patrianovism, was a monarchist organization that was present in many Brazilian states and that expressed the nationalist ideals of the 1920s and 1930s. Idealized by Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, it sought to establish a new organic monarchy in Brazil based on traditionalist policies since the now-defunct Empire of Brazil was born under liberalism.^[20][12][21]

Patrianovism is considered to be the most expressive ultra-right movement in Brazil prior to the existence of the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), combining fascism with neo-Catholic monarchism. Even though they are considered the most relevant monarchist organization of the First Brazilian Republic, the party never got the masses to join their ranks, so it was a vanguardist movement composed mostly of the middle-class.^[22]

Etymology[]

The term Pátria-Nova (New Fatherland) originated from Portuguese integralism, which sought to create a "New Portugal" by recovering the many medieval institutions and adapting them to the modern age. This ideology supported the establishment of an organic, traditionalist, and anti-parliament monarchy based on Catholic, nationalistic and anti-liberal ideals. Such ideas were aligned with the Brazilians who sought to establish a similar form of government. Thus, In Brazil, Pátria-Nova became synonymous with searching for a new fatherland with its basis in tradition.^[23]

History[]

The dawn of the 20th century raised opposition to liberalism, democracy and republicanism, not only in Brazil but also in Portugal and most of the world, in the form of fascism.^[4] This line of thought strengthened radical monarchist thought in those two countries, during the rise of the First Brazilian Republic and before the First Portuguese Republic.^[4] In Brazil, those monarchists would become the Patrianovists, fueled by the 1920s authoritarianism, and the reversionary, catholic conservative, ideals of Cândido Mendes de Almeida.^[24]

First phase (1928–1937)[]

In 1928, a group of young Catholic intellectuals, with an overwhelming majority being part of the Marian Congress of Saint Ifigênea, following the lead of Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, a black poet, founded the Monarchist Center of Social Culture and New-Fatherland Politics (CMCSP Pátria Nova), which sought to study national problems, uniting the ideas of corporatism to anti-liberal monarchism.^[2][4] In 1932, Pátria-Nova would then become the Ação Imperial Patrianovista Brasileira. At this point, the patrianovists already had elaborated their policies, to promote the instauration of the Brazilian Organic Empire, with emphasis of taking a different governamental path than what the Brazilian Empire had taken, and also had established centres for the propagation of such ideals in almost all Brazilian provinces, founding more than 200 centers for meetings and studies as of 1935, for an example, the Centro de Cultura Social Dom Henrique in the state of Pernambuco.^{[25][26][27][28] [29]}

Patrianovist red arrow cross

In 1932, the paramilitary group Guarda Imperial Patrianovista (GUIP), called the camisas brancas ("white shirts") and who bore the patrianovist red arrow cross on their left arm, was formed to "defend a Christian Brazil against the attacks of communism" and prepare the country for the establishment of the third Empire. The overwhelming majority of the group's members were in their youth, ecstatic after they heard the speeches which were given by Veiga, who supported the toppling of the "little, ridiculous, liberal-Judeo-Freemason-republican treacherous Brazil through the pen, through the word, and weapons". Just as other third-position movements had their salutes which they used to greet other members with, the Patrianovists would shout "Glória" (Glory), an alternative to "Por Deus, pelo Brasil, pelo Imperador" (For God, Brazil, Emperor), with their right arms lightly uplifted, holding their first three fingers counting from their thumbs up. "Glória" is a shortened version of "Glória to the Santíssima Trindade", which means "Glory to the most Holy Trinity". Even though the GUIP was supposed to be a paramilitary organization, they did not take any military action, never truly bearing weapons, as the true intent of the group was to showcase patrianovism, since most political organizations, such as the AIB, had their own militia. However, as Pátria Nova was not a moviment of the masses, the GUIP was never able to get to even grounds with the integralists green shirts. ^[30][31][32]

In 1934, Veiga resigned from his post as the president of the AIPB, alleging particular motivations. The reason as to why he left his post is unclear, but it could have been either due to indiscipline or disrespect for authority. Some historians raise the probability that he decided to leave his post because the other high-ranking Patrianovists were racist. Nonetheless, he re-assumed the position of president in 1936.^[8]

Patrianovism persisted in Brazilian politics, expanding to more than fifteen states, being predominant in the south of Brazil, where pátria-nova competed with the integralists, especially in areas of Germanic heritage, appealing to such demographic by exposing Dom Pedro Henrique of Orléans-Braganza as a true German, as many of the Brazilian House of Bragança had married German nobility. Patrianovism expanded in an irregular manner, due to communication hardships, personalist leaders, faulty propaganda and scarce funds. The consequence of such situation is the empty state the AIPB was left in 1936. Such situation remained the same, until President Getúlio Vargas prohibited the existence of all political organizations with his proclamation of the Estado Novo in 1937. The patrianovists applauded the measures taken by the new regime and identified themselves with it.^{[33][8][34][35][36]}

Second phase (1945–1972)[]

The Patrianovists resurfaced in 1945, after the end of Vargas' rule, but the group was almost empty. When parties became legal again, the Political Police started to follow dos Santos on the basis that he was an Integralist. He was never able to reproduce the capability of mobilization Patrianovism witnessed in its first phase. The organization was only formally reactivated in 1955, under the name AIPB.^[5]

In 1964, military and civilian forces organized a coup d'état. The Patrianovists were yet again supporters of the new regime, as they were part of the conspiring forces. In the following years, political liberties were weakened by the new dictatorial government. Patrianovism was also affected as the movement progressively crumbled. In 1978, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos died, after persisting in the political exclusion he found himself in.^[37][38]

The Historian Teresa Malatian, who kickstarted the study on patrianovism in 1981, noted that "There were no archives, nor bibliographies, nor documentation" when she began her studies, only managing to do so by a chance encounter with someone who knew a patrianovist. This showcases how small the movement was, even though it was in a part of Brazilian history, the biggest ultra-right organization.^[39]

Ideology[]

Patrianovism is rooted in Catholicism, nationalism, and the rejection of liberalism and a constitution.^[4][31] It thus criticizes not only the process of Brazilian independence, arguing that the country had already become free in 1815 – when Brazil was elevated to the status of constituent kingdom of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves – but also those seeking to restore the empire with the 1824 Brazilian Constitution.^[21][40][41] They argued that there were more self-ruling liberties for municipalities than after the "separation".^[14]

For Patrianovists, when a monarch signs a constitution, no matter the circumstances that they were in, they themselves become subject to those who were once their vassals.^[42] The AIPB argued that the notion of the absolute king being a despot is false and that liberalism is the true despotic government, since despotism is when the one or the many in power do not recognize any other principle except their own will.^[43]

Canudos was the town where an anti-republican movement spawned in Brazil in 1896. The townsfolk organized themselves in what could be categorized as municipalism.

Eight points[]

The eight points made in the party's newspaper Pátria Nova in 1929 were the following:^[44]

1. Creed – Roman Catholicism should be made mandatory in every institution;
2. Monarchy – A responsible monarch should be able to rule and govern freely. The monarchy is the basis for syndicalist municipalism;
3. Brazilian fatherland and race – Affirmation of the Brazilian people in every stance: religiously, physically and economically;
4. New method of administrative division – Brazil should be divided into smaller provinces and regions, solely for administrative reasons, to prevent regionalism and consecutively separatism;
5. Syndicalist organization – Both spiritual and economical productions should be organized in syndicates.
6. Imperial capital at the center/heart of the Empire;
7. Foreign relations based on Christianity;
8. Special agreement relationship with Ibero-America.

Manifesto[]

We are Pátria-Nova, radical and violent far right, affirmers of God and His Church, affirmers of the Imperial and Catholic Fatherland, irreconcilable and intolerant enemies of bourgeois-ism, plutocracism and the materialistic, atheistic, mocking, exploitative, internationalist, Judaizing and Masonizing capitalism; enemies of the republic, the parties, parliamentarism, in short, of the religious, political and economical liberalism; ultimately, as much as enemies of the Bolshevik anarchy that with equally great mistakes plans to correct the tyranny of the liberal bourgeoisie, as enemies of the deceptive social order, present in almost the entire world.^[19][45]

Corporatism[]

The movement was adept of corporatism as the ideal political, social and economical form of organization. The central reason for the support of corporatism was the discredit with the liberal and secular republic, fueled by the economic collapse the world suffered in 1929 and the patrianovists' religiouness.^[46] For Afro-Brazilian patrianovists, such as the party leader, corporatism was the way-out of social exclusion.^[47]

Anti-democracy[]

It rejected the participation of the masses and political parties, as did the AIB,^[48] in politics since:

• The power is exclusive to the monarch;
• The masses themselves were in favour of a form of government led by a powerful figure (such as a King or a General) instead of politicians who were apathetic to their well-being; ^{[4] [49]}
• Different political parties would lead to the polarization and the separation of the population; ^[50]
• They transform public goods into private property; ^[50]
• They work against the cooperation of municipalities;^[50]
• The various political factions worked against national unity.^[19]

Patrianovism also accuses the various political parties of being the same conglomeration, but only with a different name to disguise themselves. ^[50] They also accused parties of having predatory manners and of trying to take the reins, with the intent of striking the Traditional Order, seeking the benefit of becoming an organization with no accountability to the nation. ^[51]

Anti-Republicanism[]

For Patrianovists, the Democratic Partisanship Republic goes in the complete opposite direction of municipalism, proposed as the state where the community esteem each other, work for each other and conspire for the greater good.^[50] They also expressed that this form of government, much like the "anti-Luso action of the 1820s", is a barbarian-imported political scheme, "...an idea of Brazilians, but never a Brazilian idea...",^[52] similar to a tyrannical invader, damaging traditional and sacred institutions of a genuine Brazil.^[53][54][55] For them, the Republic is the eternal restart in that the republican government always has a setback, never learning to grow. Meanwhile, in the monarchical government, there exists a linear growth towards prosperity.^[41] The republican form of government – demoralized, disorganized and improvident – would also be the nest for caudillos, dictators and tyrants, whereas the monarchical form of government would be the best suited to preserve order and liberty.^[56]

Traditionalism[]

Patrianovism considers that every true politic is centred on traditionalism, the basis for genuine progress, responsible for the continuance of the country's identity.^[57]

Rejection of capitalism[]

In many speeches, Jews mostly took the blame for the ailments of the Brazilian blacks, being described as capitalist explorers always associated with the international bourgeoisie, finances, usury and the embodiment of "alien" interests. The Freemasons were often put alongside the Semites, evoking the Judeo-Freemason plot.^[19]

The Constitution of the Brazilian Empire is considered to be one of the most liberal constitution of its times.^[58]

Glorification of the past[]

A recurrent line of thought in Patrianovism is the nostalgia for the past, not for the Empire, but pre-independence Brazil, where – they believed – all of the great things such as honour, dignity, greatness etc. were left. The position the Church held in the past was also attractive to the patrianovists. The period from 1822 to 1889 was considered by the patrianovists one of "accidentals mistakes",^[59] such as the form of government of the empire. However, in the present, that is, the time after the military republican coup of 1889, the country was left morally and economically in ruins, with the decline of national identity.^[55][60]

Party relationships[]

Brazilian Integralist Action[]

Miguel Reale was the one who published the book which led to the divide.

There were a lot of similarities between the AIPB and the AIB, as the Patrianovist political discourse appointed Brazilian Integralism as complementary to Patrianovism. Plínio Salgado, the most important Integralist figure in Brazil, used to exchange letters with Veiga, trying to get the later to support Integralism.^[61]

In 1932, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, the president of the party, co-founded the Secretary of Political Study, alongside Plínio. A handful of Patrianovists joined the organization, which would end up becoming the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB). The Patrianovists left the group in the second semester, after it was made clear in the book "A posição do Integralismo" (Integralism's Alignment) that the best model of government for the Integralists would be a "Social Republic" in virtue of the loyalty of the integralists to republicanism.^[22][61][62]

In the first periods of the AIB, Plínio was tempted to blame the Patrianovists in any eventual ailment of Integralism, for not joining them. However, when the AIB became a movement of the masses, which was never possible for the AIPB, he gave it up. With such turntables, several Patrianovists decided to leave the ranks of the AIPB to join their ideological cousins.^[63]

Brazilian Black Front[]

Both organizations were founded by Arlindo Veiga dos Santos, who was himself a black Brazilian. Created in 1931, the Frente Negra Brasileira materialized the fight for the "Social and Political Union of the National Black People". Veiga wished to raise support for the monarchist cause in the black masses, turning FNB into another center for Patrianovist ideals, trying to merge black politics with Patrianovism.^[61]

But even with that effort, Francisco Lucrécio, a former director of the FNB, noted that although the black community understood the ideals of nationalism, they never really managed to comprehend Patrianovism.^[61]

Even though Arlindo had this setback, it is noticeable that the two groups had much in common. Both organizations supported:^[64]

FNB's official newspaper. Above is a quote from Arlindo's brother: "Only we, the blacks, can feel the racial prejudice in Brazil".

• Exacerbated nationalism;
• Defence of Brazilian traditions;
• Extreme rejection of communism;
• Attacks against democracy and liberalism.

The cooperation between the groups went even further. Isaltino Veiga dos Santos, Arlindo's brother, and Salatiel Campos, both Patrianovists, were active in various activities of the FNB. It is also notable that both organizations used to share the same building for meetings. They both used paramilitary groups, with the highlight of a segment of the FNB militia being of black practitioners of capoeira, akin to the Black Guard, that fought against republicans after slavery was abolished in the Brazilian Empire.^[65]

Integralismo Lusitano[]

For both groups, Integralismo Lusitano ("Lusitanian Integralism") is Patrianovism, and Patrianovism is Lusitanian Integralism. The difference is that Integralism is Portuguese patrianovism, and Patrianovism is Integralism in their dear "Sister-Nation". Such argument is made because they both:^{[21][66][67][68]}

• Are Integral-Christians;
• Have the same Luso-Brazilian background;
• Support corporatism ideal political, social and economical government organisation;
• Support an Organic Monarchy;
• Hold the belief that Constitutional monarchies and Liberal Republics will bring the same problems.

The first contact between the two movements happened in 1930 when, in Política, the Portuguese offered their sympathy for Pátria-Nova and classified them as an interesting movement. In the same year, the School Board of Lusitanian Integralism published an article written by Couto Magalhães, first published in Pátria-Nova. Both groups continued to contact each other.^[69]

Imperial legitimacy[]

Arlindo (left) and Dom Pedro Henrique (right).

The movement was later supported by the then-pretender to the Brazilian throne Prince Pedro Henrique of Orléans-Braganza, which wrote letters as early as 1933 to the party, congratulating them on their efforts in establishing an organic monarchy. In 1945, when the descendants of Emperor Pedro II of Brazil returned to Brazil, the two entities became closer than ever.

See also[]

• Brazilian Integralism
• Brazilian Integralist Action
• Lusitanian Integralism
• Action française
• Charles Maurras
• Monarchism in Brazil

Footnotes[]

Bibliography and references[]