Propaganda in World War II

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Propaganda in World War II was used to influence morale and to indoctrinate soldiers and military personnel, and also to influence civilian persons of enemy governments.

Background[]

By the 1930s propaganda was utilised by the majority of nations that would make up the second World War II.[1] The propaganda engaged in various rhetoric and methodology to vilify the enemy whilst justifying and encouraging domestic effort in the war. A common theme amongst the war being the notion of the defence of the homeland against foreign invasion.[2]

Nazi Party propagandist Joseph Goebbels once wrote in his diary:[3]

"The essence of propaganda consists in winning people over to an idea so sincerely, so vitally, that in the end they succumb to it utterly and can never again escape from it."

Britain[]

Winston Churchill in 1941 created the Political Warfare Executive (PWE) for the distribution of propaganda damaging to the morale of the enemy. Foreign language broadcasts of the BBC World Service were central to gaining influence over the people of Germany. Goebbels, before committing suicide, remarked that "Enemy propaganda is beginning to have an uncomfortably noticeable effect on the German people [...] British broadcasts have a grateful audience."[3]

The British used black propaganda techniques to deliver subversive messages directly to the German people by dropping leaflets and postcards.[3]

The Hollywood film Mrs. Miniver (1942) by William Wyler told the saga of the British home front, ending with a sermon delivered in a church destroyed by Allied bombs: "This is the people's war. It is our war. We are the fighters. Fight it, then. Fight it with all that is in us, and may God defend the right."[3]

Germany[]

The Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda was established in 1933. Goebbels, appointed by Adolf Hitler to lead the ministry, used radio, press, books, films, and all forms of communication media to promote the Nazi ideology. Germany's defeat in World War I was emphasized to provoke German feelings of rage and anger. Germany's cultural achievements and military accomplishments built up national pride. The British and Allied armies were cast as butchers, the Russians as inhuman beasts. The Ministry censored opposing viewpoints.[3]

Germany's war against the Soviet Union was described by Nazi Party officials as Weltanschauungskrieg (war of ideologies).[4]

Soldiers on the front had limited access to information. Often, written materials were the most direct means of propaganda available. By November 1939, the 12th Infantry Division of the Wehrmacht was daily given newspapers, a practice that continued during the occupation of Vendée, receiving also the field newspaper of the 4th Army, and the transcribed Wehrmachtbericht (Wehrmacht communiqué).

The Nazi Party recognized early on the value of radio receivers to transmit political propaganda. German troops were given such receivers that were used for entertainment and indoctrination. During Operation Barbarossa, the 12th Infantry Division of the Wehrmacht were served by a travelling "radio van" that made the rounds carrying a very powerful receiver. The Panzergrenadier Division Großdeutschland and the 18th Panzer Division were also given radios.

Films were shown to German soldiers for entertainment and indoctrination. They were very popular with the soldiers who had a "film van" accompany them during the occupations of France and The Netherlands. It was the most popular off-duty activity among the soldiers. The 18th Panzer Division converted schools in Prague to cinemas (a practice they learned from the Russians).[4]

The effectiveness of Goebbel's propaganda was diminished by Germany's defeat at the Battle of Stalingrad in February 1943. Forced to concede the military defeat, he made a case for total war, which prolonged the war without altering its eventual outcome.[3]

United States[]

Americans were, after World War I and the Great Depression, not in support of fighting a distance war. But, after the Pearl Harbor attack, the Office of War Information was the main source of propaganda was created by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1942. Photographers documented various aspects of the American homefront to undermine enemy morale. Some of the propaganda has been criticized as having racially charged content, such as the films of Frank Capra Why We Fight, which showed the enemy nations as inhuman. The involvement of the OWI in Hollywood has been noted for the creation of patriotic propaganda films such as Yankee Doodle Dandy, Pin-Up Girl and Anchors Aweigh. Posters, movies and cartoons helped recruit Americans to serve in the war. One poster showed a two headed monster, with a Nazi head and a Japanese head, clutching the Statute of Liberty, with a slogan "Stop this Monster that Stops at Nothing. PRODUCE to the Limit!" Production was presented as the critical factor in winning the war. Popeye and Bugs Bunny were shown fighting the Japanese, and a short film of Donald Duck attacking Hitler with a tomato was released by Walt Disney. These efforts aimed to combine entertainment with awareness of the war effort.[3]

Domestic Propaganda[]

At home, Roosevelt's wartime propaganda supported the war by generating more soldiers, morale and maintaining civilian workforce and production.[5] The "hidden army" needed for weapons production and agricultural production was an important target of American propaganda during the second world war.[5] After pearl harbour, a propaganda campaign focused on agriculture and reared towards young males, it intended to reduce the one million American males that left farm labours to draft during the war.[6] Government-produced films from 41' to 43' featured stories of agriculture production during the war. In the Propaganda film It's everybody's war, actor Henry Fonda explains the cruciality of the farmer in the war effort and their role in sustaining their "brother's overseas".[7] The theme of American masculinity in domestic wartime propaganda idealised men and patriotism, poster art featured overtly muscular men carrying bayonets confidently into war or many tomatoes in baskets at home.[8]

Additionally, popular comics featuring Captain America and Wonder Woman reflected the war to their viewership. Against axis powers, the comic characters fought to protect the United States and instilled patriotic themes to further sell the war to Americans.[9]

Race In American Propaganda[]

Like most propaganda, The Office of War Information commonly appropriated the "symbols and values" of enemies as a means of dehumanising them.[10] Nancy Brcak and John Pravia make the argument that during the war, when Jim Crow Laws were still active in America, the perceived "acceptance" of the "inferiority" of minorities became "clearly a part of US propaganda," and was especially employed in their war with Japan in the Pacific.[11] In the Pacific, depictions of Japanese soldiers featured exaggerated stereotypical features, in some, Japanese soldiers were conveyed as sexually depraved, and often engaged in inhuman and evil acts.[12] One example depicts the Emperor Hirohoto as a fanged bat designed with exaggerated features, dressed in Nazi clothing and Swastikas, to further dehumanise the Japanese enemy to the American people.[13]

At home, African American's were encouraged to engage in the second world war and defend America.[14] Surveys conducted by the Office of War Information indicated African American contention with fighting for their race both at home and in the war, relatively to White Americans, African American's found the war less important than the current race issues faced in America.[15] The Office of War Information went on to engage in a propaganda campaign aimed to generate a sense of belonging and loyalty with America and African Americans.[16] An initial piece of propaganda in 1942, 2.5 million pamphlets of "Negros and the War," was largely distributed and argued that without America, African American's could not fight for their freedoms.[16] The Office of War Information also cooperated with Hollywood movie producers, their aim was to attempt to depict African American's as integral and normal in films.[17] Movies like Stormy Weather and Cabin in the Sky.[18] In the film Bataan an African American soldier dies heroically, and is involved in an earlier scene in which he discusses strategy amongst his white platoon and his American patriotism.[19] Despite these depictions however, the films African American characters were often stereotypes and remained inferior to other characters in both screen time and importance. Clayton R. Koppes and Gregory D. Black found that "In a Columbia University study in 1945" out "of one hundred black appearances in wartime films, seventy-five perpetuated old stereotypes, thirteen were neutral, and only twelve were positive."[20]

Pamphlet Propaganda[]

The Office of War Information coordinated the majority of Pacific propaganda including pamphlets that intended to undermine the morale of Japanese troops. In the last months of the war, allied propaganda dropped two billion pamphlets over Japan.[18] Pamphlets translated from English to Japanese, incorporated with Japanese symbolisms and cultures, derived from the use of Japanese POW's to create more direct and effective propaganda pamphlets to spread over the pacific.[21] Near the end of the war in 1945, pamphlets in English and Japanese stated "I cease resistance," encouraged the surrender of Japanese soldiers.[22] They also included promises of humane treatment upon surrender, that Japanese culture would remain if the military surrendered, and the young and sick would be helped.[17] The pamphlets may have contributed to the ten thousand troops that surrendered in Okinawa, they also further supported the use allied pamphlet campaign for the Office of War Information.[22] The pamphlets also came to report bombing runs, warn citizens of targeted cities, and eventually further threaten the use of atomic weapons after the bombing of Nagasaki if surrender didn't ensue.[23] The use of pamphlets continued until the end of the war in the pacific.

Japan[]

Japanese propaganda during the second world war presented the war as a defensive one against the influence and hostility of the west.[24] They conveyed themselves as victims in which they would have to fight for their independence and freedom.[25] Japanese propaganda commonly operated to demoralise Allied troops, it often employed racial themes to degrade western culture's oppression of Japan.[10] Common Japanese propaganda depicted Roosevelt and the American people as “sexually depraved” and demons.[12] To the Australian soldiers, a Japanese propaganda piece (refer to figure) details an Australian soldier far from home and fighting whilst an American took their wife, the piece aimed to discourage the American-Australian relationship.[26]

Some Japanese propaganda was aimed towards African American troops, taking advantage of the racist climate in America to incite “anti-war sentiment.”[27] Distributed propaganda was designed to highlight Japanese morality in comparison to American racism, it commonly noted that Japanese victory would ensure discriminatory freedom from white American oppression, it evoked the brutal history of African Americans to further the propaganda's effect.[28] The propaganda generated a variety of responses, in some cases it “resonate[d] strongly” with African-American troops, a poll in 1944 highlighted “70%” had “misgivings about the importance of the war to them personally.”[25]

Soviet Union[]

1939-1941 (Allied with Nazi Germany)[]

At the start of World War II, the Molotov-Ribbentrov Pact was a non-aggression pact that held peace between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany.[29] It lasted up until the 22nd of June 1941 – the surprise invasion by Hitler's Germany.[29] During this period, Nationalism dominated Soviet propaganda, Ewe M Thompson highlights the Soviet Press as a primary medium for which nationalist propaganda functioned within the U.S.S.R.[30] In 39’ after the Soviet invasion of Poland from the east, the Soviet press continued to vilify the country and its people.[31] Soviet newspapers “encouraged hatred” from the states of the union, presenting Poland as having “brutalised millions of Belorussians, Ukrainians, and Jews.” [31] The press glorified the liberation of the country from “Polish overlords”.[32] As well as endorsed Hitler's resentments of the Poles, and introduced Soviet schools containing Russian textbooks aimed “to increase the use of Russian among the non-Russian population.” (Thompson, Ewa M 1991 Pg. 394). The effect of Soviet Press propaganda promoted the “Russification” amongst Soviet States.[33]

1941-1945[]

At the return of Soviet Propaganda, occurring at their recovery at Stalingrad, the notion of the hearth and family became a centre rhetoric for nationalist and patriotic themes in Soviet propaganda.[34] The language of the propaganda often “dress[ed]” itself in private values and to sound like private talk.[35] (Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. Pg. 847). The use of personal letters, some directed from soldiers to wives back home, were often published along with romantic imagery of the Russian homeland to incite “hatred of the invader,” and “self-sacrifice”.[36] Stalin was considered the father of the Soviet family, published personal letters depicted “brothers who fought side by side”, the land itself described as an endangered “mother”, serving a symbol that encouraged the devotion to state.[37] This propaganda also aimed to encourage women to replace domestic ‘male’ roles like factory work, but also to do so within the family. Common mother propaganda encouraged adoption and domestic rekindling.[38] Mothers with a minimum of seven children were awarded publicly for their efforts in helping the motherland, further encouraging the devotion of woman to help the war effort.[39] Figure 1 depicts a soldier departing to war whilst a strong mother figure remains and replaces the soldier on his tractor and work.[40]

India[]

British, Nazi and Indian propaganda was present in India during the second world war.

British Propaganda In India[]

During the second world war, the British government engaged in censorship and propaganda strategies that aimed to maintain the status quo of British Raj.[41] During objections of Indian nationalists and the consequences of the war like famine, British propaganda aimed to absolve the blame placed upon them.[42] In 1942, “British officials suppressed 92 journals in August”[43] through British owned newspapers papers owned like “The Hindu” and “The Statesmen,” British propaganda intended to “repress Indian voices in public media” and “regulate social criticism generated by resistant intellectual culture.”[44] Media also played reels glorifying Indian troops fighting against Axis powers.[45] The INA, an Indian soldier army fighting for Indian independence with the support of the Japanese army, was censored throughout the war to maintain a “complicit” India.[46]

Indian Nationalism[]

Amongst British propaganda, Indian nationalism in the media expressed the anticolonialist criticisms of Ghandi through Nationalist reporters like war correspondent T.G. Narayanan.[47] Operating under the “constraints of censorship”, Narayanan became a prominent voice for Indian Nationalism.[48] His work covered the Bengal famine and expressed Ghandi's blame on the British government and the necessity of “self-governance” within the media [49] For Indian troops, Nationalist Indian media highlighted the unfair conditions such as lower pay and status compared to British troops and implicated the British regime for the issues of the country.[50]

Nazi Propaganda in India[]

Nazi Propagandists operating in India distorted ideologies of nationalism to loosen the grip of British colonialism over India.[51] Mein Kampf was translated into Indian languages and Indian presses were bribed to translate and print Hitler's speeches.[52] Anti-Jewish sentimentalities were aimed towards Muslims to garner Nazi sympathy.[52] One Indian press, Princely India, stated on the 30th of July1939, “We Indians need Hitler if we are to win swaraj (self-governance) at all.”[53]

Australia[]

Propaganda in Australia during the second world war aimed to promote the necessity of Australia's freedom as well as its defence from foreign invasion.[54]

This Is Ours[]

The poster This is OURS depicts Australian and New Zealand shaded white against a counterposing blackness around it. The National Archive of Australia regarded its aim was to highlight the “threat of Japanese invasion” and the “climate of fear” induced by Australian and Japanese conflict.[54] The white propaganda was directed to Australian citizens, employing rhetoric that emphasised notions of home, Australian patriotism, and confidence in the security of the country.[54]

Australia Has Wings[]

Australia Has Wings, was a promotional propaganda film depicting the Australian aircraft industry, the film promoted the “heroic motivation for freedom,” amongst commentary that supported of country, Australian air force and the defence of Australia.[55]

Italy[]

Although Germany and Italy were partners in World War II, German propagandists made efforts to influence the Italian press and radio in their favor. Starting in September 1940, the so-called Dina (Deutsch-italienischer Nachrichten-Austausch) service was set up, ostensibly to improve news exchanges during the war. In fact, however, the Nazis knew that an equivalent exchange would not be achieved at all, since the Italian media were much weaker in terms of personnel. In reality, the Dina service served from the beginning to flood Italy with German news material and to indirectly control reporting there.[56]

References[]

  1. ^ Masaharu, S (1999). "'Negro Propaganda Operations': Japan's short-wave radio broadcasts for World War II Black Americans". Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television. 19: 6. doi:10.1080/014396899100334.
  2. ^ Brcak, N; Pravia, J (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 671. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x – via JSTOR.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g "World War II Propaganda". PBS.
  4. ^ a b Bartov, Omer. The Eastern Front 1941-1945: German Troops and the Barbarisation of War. pp. 68–73.
  5. ^ a b Jellison, Katherine (2018). "Get Your Farm in the Fight: Farm Masculinity in World War II". Agricultural History Society. 92 (1): 5–20. doi:10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005. JSTOR 10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005 – via JSTOR.
  6. ^ Jellison, Katherine (2018). "Get Your Farm in the Fight: Farm Masculinity in World War II". Agricultural History. 92 (1): 16. doi:10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005. JSTOR 10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005 – via JSTOR.
  7. ^ Jellison, Katherine (2018). "Get Your Farm in the Fight: Farm Masculinity in World War II". Agricultural History. 92 (1): 8–9. doi:10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005. JSTOR 10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005 – via JSTOR.
  8. ^ Jellison, Katherine (2018). "Get Your Farm in the Fight: Farm Masculinity in World War II". Agricultural History. 92 (1): 10. doi:10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005. JSTOR 10.3098/ah.2018.092.1.005 – via JSTOR.
  9. ^ Sostaric, Mia (2019). "The American Wartime Propaganda During World War II: How Comic Books Sold the War". Australasian Journal of American Studies. 38 (1): 17–44. JSTOR 26926687.
  10. ^ a b Brcak, N; Pavia, J (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 673. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x – via JSTOR.
  11. ^ Brcak, Nancy; Pravia, John (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 672. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x. JSTOR 24449072 – via JSTOR.
  12. ^ a b Brcak, N; Pavia, J (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 683. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x – via JSTOR.
  13. ^ Brcak, Nancy; Pravia, John (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 682. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x. JSTOR 24449072 – via JSTOR.
  14. ^ Koppes, Clayton (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 383–406. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  15. ^ Koppes, Clayton; Black, Gregory (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 385. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  16. ^ a b Koppes, Clayton; Black, Gregory (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 390. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  17. ^ a b Koppes, Clayton (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 392. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  18. ^ a b Koppes, Clayton; Black, Gregory (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 400. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  19. ^ Koppes, Clayton (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 401. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  20. ^ Koppes, Clayton; Black, Gregory (1986). "Blacks, Loyalty, and Motion-Picture Propaganda in World War II". The Journal of American History. 73 (2): 404. doi:10.2307/1908227. JSTOR 1908227 – via JSTOR.
  21. ^ SZASZ, FERENC (2009). "Pamphlets Away: The Allied Propaganda Campaign Over Japan During the Last Months of World War II". The Journal of Popular Culture. 42 (3): 532. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5931.2009.00694.x.
  22. ^ a b SZASZ, FERENC (2009). "Pamphlets Away: The Allied Propaganda Campaign Over Japan During the Last Months of World War II". The Journal of Popular Culture. 42 (3): 533. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5931.2009.00694.x.
  23. ^ SZASZ, FERENC (2009). "Pamphlets Away: The Allied Propaganda Campaign Over Japan During the Last Months of World War II". The Journal of Popular Culture. 42 (3): 537. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5931.2009.00694.x.
  24. ^ Brcak, N (1994). "Racism in Japanese and U.S. Wartime Propaganda". The Historian. 56 (4): 672. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.1994.tb00926.x – via Jstor.
  25. ^ a b Masahura, S (1999). "'Negro Propaganda Operations': Japan's short-wave radio broadcasts for World War II Black Americans". Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television. 19 (1): 11 – via Proquest.
  26. ^ "Australia Screams". The Blick-Harris Study Collection. 1942-01-01.
  27. ^ Masaharu, S (1999). "'Negro Propaganda Operations': Japan's short-wave radio broadcasts for World War II Black Americans. H". Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television. 19 (1): 13. doi:10.1080/014396899100334.
  28. ^ S, Masahura (1999). "'Negro Propaganda Operations': Japan's short-wave radio broadcasts for World War II Black Americans". Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television. 19 (1): 21 – via Proquest.
  29. ^ a b Roberts, G (2002). "Stalin, the Pact with Nazi Germany, and the Origins of Postwar Soviet Diplomatic Historiography". Journal of Cold War Studies. 4 (4): 94. doi:10.1162/15203970260209527. S2CID 57563511.
  30. ^ Thompson, Ewa (1991). "Nationalist Propaganda In The Soviet Russian Press, 1939-1941". Slavic Review. 50: 385. doi:10.2307/2500213. JSTOR 2500213.
  31. ^ a b Thompson, Ewa (1991). "Nationalist Propaganda In The Soviet Russian Press, 1939-1941". Slavic Review. 50: 391. doi:10.2307/2500213. JSTOR 2500213.
  32. ^ Thompson, Ewa (1991). "Nationalist Propaganda In The Soviet Russian Press, 1939-1941". Slavic Review. 50: 392. doi:10.2307/2500213. JSTOR 2500213.
  33. ^ Thompson, Ewa (1991). "Nationalist Propaganda In The Soviet Russian Press, 1939-1941". Slavic Review. 50: 394. doi:10.2307/2500213. JSTOR 2500213.
  34. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 836. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  35. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 847. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  36. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 826. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  37. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 839. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  38. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 845. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  39. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 842. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  40. ^ Kirschenbaum, Lisa (2000). ""Our City, Our Hearths, Our Families": Local Loyalties And Private Life In Soviet World War II Propaganda". Slavic Review. 59: 840. doi:10.2307/2697421. JSTOR 2697421. S2CID 159579250.
  41. ^ Downing, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 479.
  42. ^ Dowling, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies, 54(2). 54 (2): 480.
  43. ^ Dowling, D (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 480.
  44. ^ Dowling, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 477.
  45. ^ Dowling, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 490.
  46. ^ Dowling, D (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 493.
  47. ^ Dowling, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 471.
  48. ^ Dowling, D; Paul, S (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 481.
  49. ^ Dowling, D (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 485.
  50. ^ Dowling, D (2019). "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies. 54 (2): 490.
  51. ^ D'souza, E (2000). "Nazi Propaganda in India". Social Scientist. 28 (5/6): 79. doi:10.2307/3518181. JSTOR 3518181.
  52. ^ a b D'souza, E (2000). "Nazi Propaganda in India". Social Scientist. 28 (5/6): 81. doi:10.2307/3518181. JSTOR 3518181.
  53. ^ D'souza, E (2000). "Nazi Propaganda in India". Social Scientist. 28 (5/6): 84. doi:10.2307/3518181. JSTOR 3518181.
  54. ^ a b c "World War II propaganda poster – Australia is ours | naa.gov.au". www.naa.gov.au. Retrieved 2022-01-06.
  55. ^ "Australia has wings". www.awm.gov.au. Retrieved 2022-01-06.
  56. ^ König, Malte (2007). Kooperation als Machtkampf. Das faschistische Achsenbündnis Berlin-Rom im Krieg 1940/41, Cologne, pp. 149-176; cf. König, Malte (2013). "Censura, controllo e notizie a valanga. La collaborazione tra Italia e Germania nella stampa e alla radio 1940/41", Italia contemporanea 271, pp. 233-255.
Retrieved from ""