Battle of Philippeville
![]() | Some of this article's listed sources may not be reliable. (August 2018) |
Coordinates: 36°52′22.2″N 6°54′35.9″E / 36.872833°N 6.909972°E
Battle of Philippeville | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Part of Algerian War | |||||||
| |||||||
Belligerents | |||||||
![]() |
![]() | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
![]() ![]() ![]() |
![]() | ||||||
Units involved | |||||||
![]() |
![]() | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
Around 3,000 | 400 troops | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
134 killed | 31–47 killed | ||||||
Civilian deaths: 1,273 Algerian civilians killed (French claim) 12,000 Algerian civilians killed (FLN claim) |
The Battle of Philippeville, also known as the Phillippeville massacre or the August Offensive was a series of raids launched on 20 August 1955 on various cities and towns of the Constantine region by FLN insurgents and armed mobs during the Algerian War between France and Algerian rebels. The raids, which mostly took the form of ethnic riots, resulted in the massacre, in extremely gruesome ways, of several dozens of European settlers known as Pieds-Noirs. These massacres were then followed by very brutal and blind reprisals by the French army and Pieds-Noirs vigilantes, which resulted in the death of several thousands native Algerians. The events of late August 1955 in the Constantinois region are considered to be a major turning point of the Algerian War.
Background[]
The Algerian War had technically begun on the 1st of November 1954, when the FLN launched "scores of scores of spectacular attacks".[1] The conflict began to escalate, as evidenced by the remarks of the Socialist Minister of the Interior, François Mitterrand: "I will not agree to negotiate with the enemies of the homeland. The only negotiation is war!"[2] The French adopted an increasingly aggressive policy in Algeria and in early March 1955 the French government of Prime Minister Pierre Mendès France was replaced by that of Edgar Faure.
By summer 1955, the steady pressure of French counter-insurgency had put the FLN in a very dire situation. Only in Wilaya II was the insurgency in a shape to mount any offensive.[3] Popular support was still rather low and many among the Algerian Muslim elite still advocated for a peaceful resolution of the conflict through conciliatory agreements with the French government.[4]
To break out of this bad situation, Youcef Zighoud, leader of the Wilaya II and one of the most radical elements among FLN leaders, took the decision to conduce a dreadful massacre on Pieds-Noirs civilians, with the hope that bloody French retaliations would irremediably break the fragile bond between French colonists and native Algerians, and thus increase the popular support for the rebellion as well as destroy any possibility for a conciliatory settlement of the conflict.[5][6][7]
General Aussaresses knew that the FLN was planning something when one of his informers, an Arab baker in Philippeville, told him that he had used to sell on average a sack of flour every three days, but was now selling two tons of flour every day to men whom he did not know and who paid only cash.[8] From this, Aussaresses deduced that the spike in flour sales must have been because the FLN was concentrating men in the hills above Philippeville, which could only mean an operation was due to start soon.[8]
FLN's attack[]
On 20 August 1955, a few hundreds FLN regulars gathered mobs of several thousands native peasants they had radicalized[5] with religious[9] and racial hatred[10] as well as with reassuring deliberate lies, such as a hoax about an imminent landing by Egyptian armed forces that would save them from the wrath of French retaliations,[11][12][13] and directed them toward various settlements of the Contantinois area in a serie of coordinated raids.
Raid on Phillipville[]
The main attack was conducted on the city of Phillipeville, now known as Skikda. A large mob of several thousands civilians lead by FLN regulars launched a general assault on the city, with the aim to kill Europeans, kill some moderate Muslim personalities[13][14] and take over the police station's weaponry. Only half of the insurgents were armed with firearms, while the rest wielding farming tools, knives or makeshift bombs device. As the mob arrived in the city, Europeans in the streets were murdered on sight. However, the reaction of police forces and French army paratroopers was swift and the insurrection was soon defeated, for losse of only 14 dead policemen.[15] Once the assault was over, over a hundred of insurgents were lying dead in the streets, while many more had been captured by French forces.[15]
El-Halia mine massacre[]
The most heinous massacre of the day occurred at the El-Halia pyrite-mining town, where about 130 Europeans and 2,000 Muslims lived and worked together.[16][17] The mob was essentially composed of hundreds of native peasants, both men and women, mostly armed with farming tools, axes, sharpened shovels, or knives, and was led by 25 FLN regulars. They arrived near 11 am, when most of the men were working in the mine while women and children were at home. A bloody massacre ensued, as European women were raped and disembowelled or decapitated, children had their throats slit and babies were slamed against walls until their heads caved in.[18][19][20] Some of the local Muslim inhabitants who had initially watched without reacting enventually joined the excited mob, as it massacred Europeans under chants of 'Allah Akabar' that blended with Algerian women's ululations.[21][19] Thirty-seven Europeans, mostly women and children, were murdered in the attack.[13][22]
Attack on El Khroub military outpost[]
Near El Khroub, a mob of a few hundreds ill-armed native civilians, including women and children, lead by a few FLN regulars, launched an assault on a French military outpost held by 150 soldiers.[23] Their goal was to kill the garrison in order to take over the heavy weapons and ammunitions stock. The attack was repulsed without any French casualties, while 12 uniform-wearing FLN regulars, 15 civilian men, 19 women and 11 children or teenagers were killed among the attackers.[24]
Terror attacks in Constantine[]
In Constantine, eight FLN commandos of about ten men each launched a serie of terror attacks on a number of specific targets. Allouah Abbas, nephew of Ferhat Abbas and moderate local politician who advocated for conciliation with the French government, was murdered in the pharmacy he owned.[25][13] Chérif Hadj-Saïd, another prominent moderate politician, was shot as well but survived.[26] Local police inspector Robert Laemmel was assassinated in front of a cafe.[27] Grenades were thrown at a police station, and a movie theater and a restaurant were bombed.[28] Several bombs exploded in the Jewish area of the city, killing two and wounding dozens.[29]
Other attacks[]
Smaller scale attacks on Europeans also took place in various villages of the region. In Aïn Abid, Bernadette Mello, a 5-days old newborn, was cut into pieces in front of her mother whose belly then was opened to stuff the pieces back inside.[30][31][32] In Ramdane Djamel, 13 Europeans, among which 3 children, were murdered.[15] In Collo, 4 policemen and 6 European civilians were killed.[15] The car of a Jewish family was stopped by the mob on a road near Ramdane Djamel.[33] Haïm Benchetrit was forcibely pulled out of the vehicle, before being castrated and made choke to death with his own genitals in front of his wife and their three children, aged 11, 5 and 3, who were then butchered with axes by the frenzied crowd.[33][34]
French retaliation[]
After the initial shock of the attacks, the bloody French reprisals began. A high number of Algerian men arrested during or after the attacks were executed without being tried. When French paratroopers arrived at El-Halia a few hours after the attack, they rounded up about 80 Algerian men present on the site and shot them without any further investigation.[35] At El Khroub, 60 insurgents captured during the attack were shot on the same day, while many oher men were arrested based on mere suspicions and shot in the following days.[36] In the following days, several shepherd villages, suspected to be harbouring FLN members or to have taken part in the attacks, were razed by the French air force. The total death toll of the French reprisals is uncertain (estimates vary from 1,200 to 12,000) but just like at Setif 10 years earlier, the number of Algerians killed in retaliation for initial the massacre of Europeans was vastly disproportionate. French anticolonial militant Daniel Guérin estimated the number of men executed in Philippeville proper at 2,000.[37] A French military report gave a number of 750 men executed just for the El Harrouch area.[36]
Philippeville stadium scandal[]
In Philippeville, the city's stadium was turned into a gigantic interrogation center by the French army. Thousands of native Algerian men captured during the assault were briefly interrogated before being shot without any proper investigation or trial to determine whether they were guilty or not.[38] Due to the very specific characteristics of the assault (mainly conduced by civilians without uniforms), the French army had broadly captured a vast amount of native Algerian men present in the streets during the attack, without attempting to distinguish uninvolved inhabitants from insurged mobsters, and thus many innocents were executed alongside the guilty, in the blind repression.[26][39] French reporter Robert Lambotte notoriously took a photograph depicting the lined up bodies of executed Algerians in the stadium and published it in the newspaper L'Humanité, sparking national outrage in France.
Pieds-Noirs vigilante reprisals[]
Shocked and enraged by the horrendous atrocities inflicted upon their kind, some of the Pieds-Noirs began forming vigilante militas. The mayor of Philippeville Paul-Dominique Benquet-Crevaux armed the militias, which soon started exercing blind reprisals upon native Algerians, killing dozens.[40] After the funerals of the victims ended, seven Algerians were lynched in the streets.[41] The fact some of the anti-European atrocities had been committed by trusted Muslim neighbors, with whom the victims had lived for years, created great amount of paranoia among the Pied-Noir community, which started seeing every Muslim as a potential attacker.[42] Constantly fearing for their safety, armed vigilantes fired at any Muslim whose behavior they deemed suspicious, killing or wounding many innocents. The paranoia eventually reached such a high level that a group of Pieds-Noirs vigilantes got involved in a firefight with French soldiers they had mistaken for FLN rebels,[43] which prompted French authorities to start disarming vigilantes.[44]
Death toll[]
The total death toll of the late August Constantinois violences is uncertain. On the day of the attacks, French authorities gave an official figure of 71 European civilians and 21 native Algerian civilians and 31 law enforcement officers killed by insurgents during the FLN's attacks. However, many survivors were severely wounded or maimed,[45][39] and some later died of their wounds.[46] Historian Roger Vétillard gave a total figure of 117 European civilians, 42 Algerian civilians and 47 law enforcers who ultimately died as a result of the 20 August FLN's attacks.[47]
The death toll of French retaliations remains heavily disputed. French authorities gave an official figure of 1,273 native Algerians killed,[48] which is widely considered to be underestimated. The FLN claimed that as many as 12,000 were killed by French repression.[48] French historian and Colonial Algeria specialist Charles-Robert Ageron estimated the number of native Algerians killed as a result of French retaliations to be between 3,000 and 5,000.[49]
Aftermath[]
The events of 20 August 1955 are widely considered to be a major turning point in the Algerian War.[50] Just like Zighoud had intended, the massacre of the Pieds-Noirs, followed by the violent French reprisals, had created an irreparable divide between the European and the native communities.[51][52][53][54] The peaceful "third way" was no longer an option, and many former moderates on both sides ended up forced to choose unambiguous positions.[55] As such, the operation was thus considered a great success by Zighoud despite the failure to take over the much-needed weapons of the targeted military outposts and police stations, and despite the relatively small number of Europeans killed in comparison to the Algerian death toll.[56]
Despite the undeniable political success of the operation, Zighoud's cynical disregard for Algerian lives was frowned upon by several high-ranking members of the FLN. Abane Ramdane and Larbi Ben M'hidi notably criticized his decision to send barely armed Algerian civilians with almost no weapon to a certain death for a result of less than 100 Europeans killed.[57] Ramdane also condemned the murder and mutilation of European babies, which he feared would cause the revolution to be associated with fanatical madness and decrease international support for the cause of Algerian independence.[58][59][60][6]
Three weeks after the event, a group of sixty-one prominent Algerian Muslim politicians, who had thus far adopted moderate positions and who used to believe it was possible for Algerians to become French by adopting the French language, wrote a public declaration "condemning the blind repression" in Philippeville, declared the French government's policy of integration of Algerian Muslims to be a failure, and wrote that, in the wake of the blind and bloody repression against Muslims in Philippeville, the vast majority of Algerians had become nationalists who now believed in the "idée nationale algérienne" ("Algerian national ideal").[61][48] By late 1955, the number of FLN fighters in the Constantine region had increased by a threefold.[62]
Jacques Soustelle, the recently appointed Governor of Algeria, who had thus far defended conciliatory approach on Algerian nationalism, was profoundly traumatized by his visit at the El-Halia mine after the attacks.[63] After the events of late August 1955, he became convinced that no negotiation was possible with 'FLN terrorists', and would keep getting increasingly radicalized as the war progressed.[64][39][65]
French Pied-Noir intellectual Albert Camus, who had written several articles to bring attention on the condition of native Algerians,[66] was appalled by the horrific massacre of European children, and completely rejected the FLN as terrorists.[67] As he later wrote: "If I can understand and admire freedom fighters, I have only disgust for murderers of women and children".[68]
After August 1955, the brutality of the Algerian War dramatically increased in intensity, and atrocities on both sides became commonplace as FLN rebels and the French army got more and more radicalized.[69][39][70][65][35]
References[]
- ^ Aussaresses, Paul The Battle of the Casbah, New York: Enigma Books, 2006 page 1
- ^ Aussaresses, Paul The Battle of the Casbah, New York: Enigma Books, 2006 page 2
- ^ Gannon, James (2008). Military Occupations in the Age of Self-determination: The History Neocons Neglected. ABC-CLIO. p. 48.
- ^ de Jaeghere, Michel (2001). Le livre blanc de l'armée française en Algérie. Contretemps. p. 97. ISBN 9782951780903.
- ^ Jump up to: a b US Army Command and General Staff College 2005, p. 52.
- ^ Jump up to: a b de Jaeghere 2001, p. 97.
- ^ Le Sueur, James D. (2001). Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics During the Decolonization of Algeria. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 31. ISBN 9780812235883.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Brass, Martin (November 2001). "Torture to Prevent Terrorism? Interview with a French Master Torturer". Military.com. Retrieved 2016-10-25.
- ^ Créspo, Gérard (2019). L'Islam aux sources du nationalisme algérien. Edilivre. p. 134. ISBN 9782414389254.
- ^ Harbi, Mohammed (1984). 1954, la guerre commence en Algérie. Editions Complexe. p. 146.
- ^ Meynier, Gilbert (2002). Histoire intérieure du F.L.N. 1954-1962. Fayard. p. 280. ISBN 9782213613772.
- ^ Créspo 2019, p. 134.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d Harbi 1984, p. 146.
- ^ Adam Shatz, “The Torture of Algiers,” NY Review of Books, volume 49, number 18, 21 November 2002.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d Sévilla 2018.
- ^ Clayton, Anthony (2014). The Wars of French Decolonization. Routledge. p. 118]. ISBN 9781317894865.
- ^ Arnold, James R. (2010). Jungle of Snakes: A Century of Counterinsurgency Warfare from the Philippines to Iraq. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 89.
- ^ Gannon 2008, p. 48.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Horne 2006, p. 120.
- ^ Harbi 1984, p. 118.
- ^ Clayton 2014, p. 118.
- ^ Horne, Alistair (2006). A Savage War of Peace. NYRB Classics. pp. 120–1. ISBN 978-1590172186.
- ^ Harbi, Mohammed (2004). Le FLN, documents et histoire: 1954-1962. Fayard. p. 45. ISBN 9782213618920.
- ^ Harbi 2004, p. 45.
- ^ Jauffret, Jean-Charles (2001). Militaires et guérilla dans la guerre d'Algérie. Editions Complexe. p. 278. ISBN 9782870278536.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Jauffret 2001, p. 278.
- ^ Alleg, Henri (1981). La Guerre d'Algérie: Des promesses de paix à la guerre ouverte, Volume 2 de La Guerre d'Algérie. Temps actuels. p. 559.
- ^ Alleg 1981, p. 559.
- ^ Dermenjian, Geneviève (2020). Les Juifs d'Algérie: Une histoire de ruptures. Presses universitaires de Provence. p. 181. ISBN 9791036561665.
- ^ Sévilla, Jean (2018). Les vérités cachées de la Guerre d'Algérie. Fayard.
- ^ Moulis, Robert (1980). La guerre Franco-Française d'Algérie. Les Presses Montrichardaises. p. 60.
- ^ Delpard, Raphaël (2007). Les souffrances secrètes des Français d'Algérie. Lafon. p. 143.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Dermenjian 2020, p. 181.
- ^ Vétillard 2013, p. 266.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Evans 2012, p. 141.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Meynier 2002, p. 281.
- ^ Guérin, Daniel (1979). Quand l'Algérie s'insurgeait 1954-1962 : Un anticolonialiste témoigne. p. 21.
- ^ Tegia, Mohamed (1971). L'Algérie en guerre. Office des publications universitaires. p. 310.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c d Arnold 2010, p. 90.
- ^ Zaretsky, Robert D. (2011). Albert Camus: Elements of a Life. Cornell University Press. p. 127. ISBN 9780801462375.
- ^ Evans, Martin (2012). Algeria: France's Undeclared War. Oxford University Press. p. 141.
- ^ Horne 2006, p. -120-121.
- ^ Soustelle, Jacques (1956). Aimée et souffrante Algérie. Plon.
- ^ Ageron, Charles-Robert (2005). De l'Algérie française à l'Algérie algérienne et Genèse de l'Algérie algérienne. Editions Bouchène. p. 545. ISBN 9782356760524.
- ^ Johnson, Chalmers A. (1982). Revolutionary Change. Stanford University Press. p. 158. ISBN 9780804711456.
- ^ Soustelle 1956, p. 119.
- ^ Vétillard, Roger (2013). 20 août 1955 dans le Nord-Constantinois. Un tournant dans la guerre d'Algérie?. Riveneuve éditions. p. 270.
- ^ Jump up to: a b c Horne 2006, p. 122.
- ^ Ageron, Charles-Robert (1997). La guerre d'Algérie et les Algériens. Armand Colin. pp. 44–46.
- ^ Ruedy, John Douglas (2005). Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation. Indiana University Press. p. 162. ISBN 9780253346247.
- ^ US Army Command and General Staff College 2005, p. 53.
- ^ Ruedy 2005, p. 162.
- ^ Arnold 2010, p. 91.
- ^ Brett, Michael "Anglo-Saxon Attitudes: The Algerian War of Independence in Retrospect" pages 217-235 from The Journal of African History, Vol. 35, No. 2, 1994 page 218.
- ^ Le Sueur 2001, p. 31.
- ^ Parker, Thomas David (2019). Avoiding The Terrorist Trap: Why Respect For Human Rights Is The Key To Defeating Terrorism. World Scientific. p. 124.
- ^ Mameri, Khalfa (1988). Abane Ramdane, héros de la guerre d'Algérie. L’Harmattan. pp. 205–207.
- ^ Mameri 1988, pp. 205–207.
- ^ Piouffre, Gérard (2008). La guerre d'Algérie. Lodi. ISBN 9782846903295.
- ^ "Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains". 48. Presses universitaires de France. 1998: 154. Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help) - ^ Evans 2012, p. 142.
- ^ Parker 2019, p. 124.
- ^ Horne 2006, p. 121.
- ^ King, Jonathan H. (1981). Selected political writings. Methuen Educational. p. 252.
- ^ Jump up to: a b Johnson 1982, p. 158.
- ^ Horne 2006, p. 123.
- ^ Emery, Meaghan (2019). The Algerian War Retold: Of Camus's Revolt and Postwar Reconciliation. Routledge. ISBN 9781000764772.
- ^ Mattéi, Jean-François (2013). Citations de Camus expliquées. Editions Eyrolles. p. 95. ISBN 9782212194210.
- ^ Buettner, Elizabeth (2016). Europe after Empire: Decolonization, Society, and Culture. Cambridge University Press. p. 142].
- ^ Mansbach, Richard W. (2017). Introduction to Global Politics. Routledge.
- Battles of the Algerian War
- Massacres of ethnic groups
- Massacres in Algeria
- Algerian war crimes
- August 1955 events
- Mass murder in 1955