Croix-de-Feu

Cross of Fire French: Croix-de-Feu
President	François de La Rocque
Founded	11 November 1927
Dissolved	10 January 1936
Succeeded by	French Social Party
Headquarters	Rue de Milan, Paris
Newspaper	Le Flambeau
Student wing	Groupes Universitaires
Youth wing	Fils et Filles de Croix-de-Feu
Paramilitary wing	Volontaires Nationaux
Woman wing	Sections Féminines
Membership (1937)	700,000
Ideology	French nationalism Social corporatism
Political position	Right-wing to far-right
Religion	Roman Catholicism
International affiliation	None
Colours	Black
Politics of France Political parties Elections

The Croix-de-Feu (French: [kʁwa də fø], Cross of Fire) was a nationalist French league of the Interwar period, led by Colonel François de la Rocque (1885–1946). After it was dissolved, as were all other leagues during the Popular Front period (1936–38), La Rocque established the Parti social français (PSF) to replace it.

Beginnings (1927–1930)[]

The Croix-de-Feu (CF) were primarily a group of veterans of the First World War — those who had been awarded the Croix de guerre 1914-1918. It was founded on 26 November 1927 by Maurice d'Hartoy, who led it until 1929; the honorary presidency was awarded to writer . Also in 1929, the movement acquired its own newspaper, . At its creation, the movement was subsidized by wealthy perfumer François Coty, and hosted in Le Figaro's building.

They benefited from the Catholic Church's 1926 proscription of the Action Française, which prohibited Catholics from supporting the latter. Many conservative Catholics became members of the CF instead, including Jean Mermoz and the young François Mitterrand.^[1]

Unlike the Unions latines which had promoted algérianité (Algerianness) and gained the support of French settlers, the CF adopted a new approach. European settlers in Algeria tended to favor authoritarian and imperialist government over French republicanism. They were anti-semitic and xenophobic. Believing that Algerian Europeans were a new race, they saw themselves as "youthful, virile and brutal" and the metropolitans as "degenerate, effeminate and weak". They often resorted to the use of the force against Muslim and Jewish Algerians.^[2]

The CF's massive propaganda campaign won thousands of members in Constantine and Algiers. They proposed an alliance with local Muslims and attacked the left. Scholars see this as a tactic to funnel revolutionary and separatist frustrations caused by economic disparity between European settlers and the local Algerian people. They used different propaganda in Oran, more similar to Jules Molle and the Unions latines, because Oran had fewer Muslims and was more anti-semitic.^[3]

Under La Rocque (1930–1936)[]

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Under Lieutenant colonel François de La Rocque, who took over in 1930, the Croix-de-Feu took their independence from François Coty, leaving the Figaro's building for the rue de Milan (Milan Street) in Paris. It organized popular demonstrations in reaction to the Stavisky Affair, hoping to overthrow the Second Left-wing Coalition government. De la Rocque quickly became a hero of the far right, opposed to the influences of Socialism and "hidden Communism", but skeptical about becoming counterrevolutionary.

Under de la Rocque, the movement advocated a military effort against the "German danger," supporting corporatism and an alliance between Capital and Labour. It enlarged its base, creating a number of secondary associations, thus including non-veterans in its ranks. To counter the monarchist Action française and its slogan Politique d'abord! (First Politics!), de la Rocque invented the motto Social d'abord! (First Social!). In his book, Le Service Public (Public Service, published in November 1934), he argued in favour of a reform of parliamentary procedures; cooperation between industries according to their branches of activities; a minimum wage and paid holidays; women's right to vote (also upheld by the monarchist Action française, who considered that women, often devout, would be more favorable to their conservative thesis), etc.^{[citation needed]}

Croix de Feu was one of the right wing groups that pushed anti-Semitic politics in 1935. Along with and others, Croix de Feu used the political developments in Metropolitan France like the election of and the Popular Front to inflame anti-Semitic sentiment in the colony. The 1936 elections saw the victory of anti-Semitic municipal governments, boycotts against Jewish business (heavily promoted by the Radical Party newspaper Le Republicain de Constantine), and physical violence and attacks against Jews. Croix de Feu acted in concert with other anti-Semitic parties, including the led by , Action française and . Membership in Croix de Feu grew from 2500 in 1933, to 8440 in 1935, and 15000 in 1936.^[4]

In November 1937 the number of 700,000 members was mentioned in a German journal.^{[citation needed]}

The Croix-de-Feu did not participate to the 1932 demonstrations organized by the Action française and the far-right leagues Jeunesses Patriotes against the payment of the debt to the United States. It did take part in the massive rally of 6 February 1934 which led to the toppling of the Second Cartel des gauches (Left-Wing Coalition), but de la Rocque refused to engage in rioting (although parts of the Croix-de-Feu disagreed with him). They had circled the seat of the parliament (the Palais Bourbon), and remained grouped, several hundreds meters away from the others rioting leagues. As one of the most important paramilitary associations, and because of its anti-Semitic position, the Croix-de-Feu and de la Rocque were considered by the political left to be among the most dangerous of the imitators of Mussolini and Hitler.^{[citation needed]} However, as a result of de la Roque's actions during the riots, they subsequently lost prestige among the far-right, before being dissolved by the Popular Front government on 18 June 1936.

The Parti Social Français (1936–1940)[]

François de la Rocque then formed the French Social Party (PSF) as a successor to the dissolved league. Moderate estimates place the membership for the PSF at 500,000 in the buildup to World War II — making it the first French conservative mass party ; although its slogan Travail, Famille, Patrie ("Work, Family, Fatherland") was later used by Vichy France to replace the Republican slogan Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité, the party had remained eclectic. The party disappeared with the Fall of France, without being able to profit from the immense popularity.

During World War II[]

During the occupation of France, La Rocque joined the Resistance but was nonetheless the subject of considerable controversy immediately after the war.

Political heritage[]

The Parti Social Français (PSF) of François de La Rocque was the first major conservative party in France (1936–1940). He advocated a presidential regime to end the instability of the parliamentary regime, an economic system founded upon "organised professions" (corporatism), and a social legislation inspired by Social Christianity.

Historians now consider that he paved the way to the French Christian democratic parties: the post-war Popular Republican Movement (MRP) and the Gaullist Rally for France. Historian William D. Irvine states:

One of the very few things historians of fascism in France can agree upon is that the Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais (PSF) are irrelevant to their subject.^[5]

Continuing debate over the Croix-de-Feu[]

Some historians have argued that the Croix-de-Feu were a distinctly French variant of the European Fascist movement: if the uniformed rightist "Leagues" of the 1930s did not develop into classical Fascism, it was because they represented a shading from conservative right-wing nationalism to extremist fascism, in membership and ideology, distinctive to French inter-war society.^[6][7]

Most contemporary French historians (René Rémond, Pierre Milza, François Sirinelli in particular) do not classify the "leagues" of the 30s as a native "French Fascism", particularly the Croix-de-Feu. The organisation is described by Rémond as completely secret in aims with an ideology "As vague as possible."^[8] Rémond, most famous and influential of these post-war historians, distinguishes "Reaction" and the far-right from "revolutionary" Fascism as an import into France which had few takers. In the 1968 third edition of "La droite en France", his major work^[9] he defines fascism in Europe as a

revolt of the declassés, a movement of those on half-pay, civilian and military. Everywhere it came to power through social upheavals ... Although with a handful of fascists [in 1930s France], there was a minority of reactionaries and a great majority of conservatives.

Amongst these he places much smaller groups like the Faisceau, a tiny minority compared with the Croix-de-Feu, whose membership peaked at over a million.^[10] Israeli historian Zeev Sternhell, on the other hand, has argued for not only the existence of a native French fascism, but for groups like the Cercle Proudhon of the nineteen-teens being amongst the more important ideological breeding grounds of the movement. He, though, does not include the Croix de Feu in this category:

The 'centrist' right always had its own shock troops that served its own purposes, and took good care that they did not become confused with the fascists.^[11]

Sternhell, interested in the Fascism as a "anti-material revision of Marxism" or an anti-capitalist, cultish, corporatist extreme nationalism,^[12] points out that groups like the Jeunesses Patriotes, the revived Ligue des Patriotes and the Croix de Feu were derided by French fascists at the time. Fascist leaders in France saw themselves as destroyers of the old order, above politics, and rejecting the corruption of capitalism. To them the Leagues were a bulwark of this corrupt regime. Robert Brasillach called them "old cuckolds of the right, these eternal deceived husbands of politics.." and claimed that "the enemies of national restoration are not only on the left but first and foremost on the right."^[13]

American journalist John Gunther in 1940 described de la Rocque as a "French Fascist No. 1, the chief potential French March-on-Romer", but added that he was "a rather pallid Fascist", did not attempt to seize power during the 6 February riots, and peacefully complied with the government's ban of the Croix de Feu.^[14] Other scholars, such as Robert Soucy and William D. Irvine, argue that the La Rocque and the Croix de Feu were, in fact, fascist, and a particularly "French" fascism. De la Rocque, however, if tempted by a paramilitary aesthetic and initially advocating collaboration with the Germans during World War II, finally came out against the more radical supporters of Nazi Germany.

See also[]

• Far right leagues: these groups, in which the Croix-de-Feu are normally included, range from the 1890s-1930s, and range ideologically from Republican Nationalists, to Monarchist to Fascist.
  • Camelots du Roi ("Paperboys of the King"), the Youth Militia arm of Action Française.
  • Ligue antisémitique de France ("Anti-semitic League of France")
  • Mouvement Franciste "French Nationalist Movement"
• Parti Populaire Français (PPF, "French Popular Party")
• Rassemblement National Populaire (RNP, "National Popular Rally")
• Rassemblement des gauches républicaines (RGR, "Rally of the Left Wing Republicans") A post - 1945 organisation which traces its ideology to the Croix-de-Feu.
• Nationalist Foreign Volunteers

References[]

Further reading[]

• Campbell, Caroline. Political Belief in France, 1927-1945: Gender, Empire, and Fascism in the Croix de Feu and Parti Social Francais (2015) excerpt; also online review
• Campbell, Caroline. "The Colonial Roots of Political Violence in France: The Croix de Feu, the Popular Front and the Riots of 22 March 1936 in Morocco." in Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940 (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2015) pp. 127-143.
• Demiaux, Victor. Croix de Feu, in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.

• Irvine, William D. "Fascism in France and the Strange Case of the Croix de Feu." Journal of Modern History 63.2 (1991): 271-295. online
• Jenkins, Brian, and Chris Millington, eds. France and Fascism: February 1934 and the Dynamics of Political Crisis (2015) excerpt
• Passmore, Kevin (1995). "Boy Scouting for Grown-Ups? Paramilitarism in the Croix de Feu and the Parti Social Francais". French Historical Studies 19#2: 527–557. doi:10.2307/286787.
• Soucy, Robert J. "French Fascism and the Croix de Feu: A Dissenting Interpretation". Journal of Contemporary History. (1991). 26#1: 159–188. doi:10.1177/002200949102600108.