Forza Italia (2013)

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For the defunct political party active between 1994 and 2009, see Forza Italia.

Forza Italia
PresidentSilvio Berlusconi
Vice PresidentAntonio Tajani
CoordinatorAntonio Tajani
Founded16 November 2013 (2013-11-16)
Preceded byThe People of Freedom
HeadquartersPiazza San Lorenzo in Lucina 4, Rome
NewspaperIl Mattinale
Youth wingForza Italia Giovani
Membership (2015)106,000[1]
IdeologyLiberal conservatism[2]
Christian democracy[2]
Liberalism[3]
Populism[4][5]
Political positionCentre-right[6]
National affiliationCentre-right coalition
European affiliationEuropean People's Party
European Parliament groupEuropean People's Party
Colours  Azure
Chamber of Deputies[7]
79 / 630
Senate[8]
47 / 320
European Parliament
10 / 76
Conference of Regions and Autonomous Provinces
4 / 21
Regional Councils
73 / 897
Website
www.forzaitalia.it

Forza Italia[nb 1] (transl. "Forward Italy",[9][10] "Come on Italy" or "Let's go Italy";[11][12] FI) is a centre-right political party in Italy, whose ideology includes elements of liberal conservatism, Christian democracy, and liberalism.

Silvio Berlusconi (former Prime Minister of Italy, 1994–1995, 2001–2006 and 2008–2011) is the party's leader and president, while Antonio Tajani (former President of the European Parliament, 2017–2019) functions as vice president and national coordinator. Other leading members include Elisabetta Casellati (President of the Senate, since 2018), as well as ministers Renato Brunetta, Mara Carfagna and Mariastella Gelmini (representing FI in Mario Draghi's government, since 2021).

The party, formed out of the People of Freedom (PdL) in 2013, is a revival of the defunct Forza Italia (FI), active from 1994 to 2009, when it was merged with National Alliance (AN) and several minor parties to form the PdL. Forza Italia is a much smaller party than the early PdL,[13] which had suffered three damaging splits: Future and Freedom (2010), the Brothers of Italy (2012) and the New Centre-Right (2013). In the 2018 general election FI was overtaken by the League as the largest party of the centre-right coalition and, more recently, it has been trailing also the Brothers of Italy in opinion polls.

FI is a member of the European People's Party (EPP).

History[]

Background and foundation[]

The new FI, announced in June 2013,[14][15] was launched on 18 September[16][17][18][19] and the PdL was formally dissolved into the party on 16 November.[20] The day before a group of dissidents (mainly Christian democrats), led by Berlusconi's former protégé Angelino Alfano, had broken away by announcing the foundation of the alternative New Centre-Right (NCD).[21] Another group of PdL members, led by former mayor of Rome Gianni Alemanno, had left the party earlier in order to form Italy First (they would later join the Brothers of Italy, FdI).[22] According to Berlusconi, the PdL would become a coalition of centre-right parties, including the new FI, Lega Nord (LN), the NCD, the FdI, etc.[23]

Among the supporters of the return to FI, the so-called "hawks"[24] and self-proclaimed "loyalists",[25] a leading role was played by Raffaele Fitto, who, despite the common Christian-democratic background, was a long-time rival of Alfano. Loyalists included Antonio Martino, Renato Brunetta, Denis Verdini, Mariastella Gelmini, Mara Carfagna, Daniela Santanchè, Niccolò Ghedini and Daniele Capezzone, while Maurizio Gasparri, Altero Matteoli and Paolo Romani tried to mediate, but finally joined the new FI.[26][27] The symbol of FI made its return in the 2013 Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol provincial elections, although in a regional fashion: "Forza Trentino"[28] and "Forza Alto Adige" (in list with Lega Nord Alto Adige – Südtirol).[29]

On 27 November the Senate approved Berlusconi's expulsion,[30] following the leader's conviction for tax evasion in August, when Berlusconi was sentenced to four years of imprisonment, the last three being automatically pardoned.[31] The day before FI had joined the opposition to Enrico Letta's government,[32] which was still supported by Alfano's NCD instead. The latter voted against Berlusconi's expulsion,[33][34] but since then completely parted ways from FI.

Internal struggles and Toti's rise[]

As of the end of December 2013, Berlusconi was set to appoint two vice-presidents: Antonio Tajani (European Commissioner and vice-president of the European People's Party) and Giovanni Toti (former editor of Studio Aperto and TG4,[35] two news programs of Berlusconi's Mediaset).[36] As a result of the resentment by the party's old guard, notably including Fitto, on the alleged appointment of Toti also as coordinator-at-large, Berlusconi appointed him merely "political counselor" to the party.[37][38]

Forza Italia's founder and leader Silvio Berlusconi in 2018

In the 2014 European Parliament election FI obtained 16.8% of the vote and 13 MEPs elected, including Toti in the North-West, Tajani (who had first been elected to the European Parliament in 1994) in the Centre and, most notably, Fitto (who garnered more than 180,000 votes in his native Apulia alone) in the South.[39]

Fitto, the strongest backer of Berlusconi's leadership in late 2013, became his main internal challenger by mid 2014. After months of bickering with Berlusconi over the so-called "Nazareno pact" with Matteo Renzi, leader of the Democratic Party and Prime Minister, in February 2015 Fitto launched his own faction, named "Rebuilders".[40] Fitto's supporters included Capezzone, , , Saverio Romano, Cinzia Bonfrisco, Augusto Minzolini and most Apulian MPs.[41]

In September 2014 FI was admitted into the European People's Party (EPP), inheriting the PdL's membership.[42]

2015 regional elections and splits[]

In the run-up of the 2015 regional elections the party was riven in internal disputes and was divided mainly in three groups: Berlusconi's loyalists, Fitto's "Rebuilders" and nostalgics of the "Nazareno pact".[43][44] The latter were led by Verdini and some of them, notably including Bondi, were openly pro-Renzi.[45][46] Bondi, a former Berlusconi loyalist, and his partner left the party in March,[47][48] while other disgruntled Verdiniani propped up the government from time to time. Berlusconi chose Toti as candidate for president in Liguria, confirmed incumbent Stefano Caldoro as the party's standard-bearer in Campania and renewed their support of LN's Luca Zaia in Veneto.[49] However, Berlusconi and Fitto did not find an agreement on the composition of the slates in Apulia, where the two wings of the party fielded two opposing candidates for president,[50][51][52] and similar problems arose in Tuscany,[53] Verdini's (and Renzi's) home region and stronghold.

Two weeks before the regional election, Fitto left the European People's Party group in the European Parliament in order to join the European Conservatives and Reformists.[54] He also left FI altogether and launched his own party, named Conservatives and Reformists (CR) too.[55] By mid July, when CR was formally established as a party, nine deputies, ten senators and another MEP had left FI in order to follow Fitto.[56][full citation needed][57][58][full citation needed][59][full citation needed]

In the elections the party lost many votes, mainly to the LN, and gained more than 10% only in three regions out seven (including Apulia, where the party's candidate did worse than Fitto's one, while, in Veneto, a former stronghold, FI barely reached 6%), but, thanks to the LN's strong showing, Toti was elected President of Liguria.

Another split occurred in late July, when Verdini led his group out of the party and launched the Liberal Popular Alliance (ALA).[60][61][62]

Toward a new centre-right coalition[]

Antonio Tajani, President of the European Parliament from 2017 to 2019

In the 2016 Milan municipal election FI found a strong candidate for mayor in Stefano Parisi, a former director-general of Confindustria and CEO of Fastweb, who pulled the party to 20.2% (virtually double than the LN's score), but however narrowly lost to his Democratic opponent in the run-off, Giuseppe Sala. After the election, FI was basically divided in two camps: one led by Parisi, who did not officially joined the party and proposed a more traditional centre-right "liberal-popular" path, and the other led by Toti, who had formed a strong partnership with Roberto Maroni and Luca Zaia, the LN's Presidents of Lombardy and Veneto, and was supportive of a full-scale alliance with LN and, possibly, of its leader Matteo Salvini's bid to become the leader of the centre-right coalition.[63][64][65] In November, when it was clear that Parisi would not come to terms with Salvini, Berlusconi disowned Parisi,[66][67] who responded by launching his own Energies for Italy (EpI) party.[68][69][70]

Since then, the party has strengthened its position in parliament, thanks to an influx of MPs from other parties, including several returning after years of dissent. In August 2016 the party was re-joined by two senators, including Renato Schifani from the NCD and another from the ALA. In November came Mario Mauro and his Populars for Italy (PpI).[71] Since June 2017 the party was joined by three deputies and one senator from Popular Alternative (AP, ex-NCD), one deputy and one senator from the Mixed Group (ex-Five Star Movement, M5S), one deputy from Direction Italy (DI, ex-CR), one from Solidary Democracy (Demo.S), one from Act! (F!, ex-LN) and two senators from the ALA.[72][71] Particularly, Enrico Costa left AP and resigned from minister of Regional Affairs in Paolo Gentiloni's centre-left government,[73] aiming at forming a "liberal centre" with FI.[74] In the context of a more united centre-right, Costa might form the "fourth leg" of the coalition, after the LN, FI and the FdI, by uniting other AP splinters, DI, F!, Identity and Action (IdeA), the Italian Liberal Party (PLI), the Union of the Centre (UdC), and the Pensioners' Party (PP),[75][76][77] all variously affiliated with FI and the centre-right. Not all FI members were happy with all that, in fact two senators and one deputy, Daniela Santanchè, switched to the FdI.[78]

In January 2017 Antonio Tajani was elected President of the European Parliament, the first Italian since Emilio Colombo (1977–1979).

2018 general and 2019 EP elections[]

In the 2018 general election FI obtained 14.0% of the vote and was overtaken by the LN for the first time as the largest party of the centre-right. After the election, long-time FI senator Elisabetta Casellati, was appointed President of the Senate, with centre-right's and M5S' support. After months of negotiations, the centre-right fragmented as the LN chose to team up with the M5S and formed a yellow-green government, also dubbed as Government of Change, under Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte.

In July Berlusconi appointed Tajani, who had been previously tipped as candidate for Prime Minister in the run-up of the 2018 general election,[79] vice president and Adriano Galliani coordinator of departments,[80][81][82] in an effort to restructure the party, which was shrinking in opinion polls.

2019 EP election and internal developments[]

Berlusconi at the European People's Party Congress in 2019

Berlusconi decided to run in the 2019 European Parliament election as FI's top candidate in all Italian constituencies, except for central Italy.[83][84] In the election, FI received only 8.8% of the vote, its worst result ever. Berlusconi was one of the party's elected representatives to the European Parliament, and the oldest member of the assembly.[85]

In June Berlusconi appointed Toti and Carfagna national coordinators, with the goal of reforming and relaunching the party.[86] However, after a few weeks, Toti left the party in opposition to Berlusconi[87] and launched Cambiamo!.[88] One of the main reasons for the split was Toti's support of an alliance with the League and the Brothers of Italy (FdI) at national-level, about which Berlusconi was reticent and Carfagna against.[88][89][90]

Draghi national unity government[]

Main article: Draghi Cabinet

In January 2021 Conte's second government fell after losing support from Matteo Renzi's Italia Viva party.[91] Subsequently, President Mattarella appointed Mario Draghi to form a cabinet,[92] which won support from FI, the League,[93] the PD[94] and the M5S.[95] FI was given three ministers in the new government: Renato Brunetta at Public Administration, Mariastella Gelmini at Regional Affairs and Mara Carfagna at the South.

Ideology and factions[]

FI's ideology is similar to that of its predecessor, The People of Freedom (PdL), a big tent centre-right party including Christian democrats, liberals, conservatives and social democrats. Indeed, FI presents itself as a "liberal", "Catholic", "reformist" and "moderate" alternative to the left in alliance with the right,[96][97][98] but not rightist itself.[99]

The PdL's break-up and the exit of the New Centre-Right (NCD) left FI with a more liberal base. Generally speaking, with the long-prepared return to FI, Berlusconi aimed at returning to the party's "liberal roots": in doing that, he reinforced his ties with those liberals, like Antonio Martino, who had been marginalised in the PdL,[100] while losing many of its Christian democrats and conservatives to the NCD. However, after NCD's internal struggles, its transformation into Popular Alternative (AP) and several splits, some NCD conservatives have returned to FI. Moreover, in 2015 FI lost several liberal MPs, who formed the Liberal Popular Alliance in support to Matteo Renzi's cabinet.

FI includes several factions and ideological trends. The party's leading faction was long not an organised one: named the "magic circle" by journalists (a reference to a defunct faction within Lega Nord), it was composed of Berlusconi's closest allies, notably including Giovanni Toti, Mariarosaria Rossi, Deborah Bergamini and (Berlusconi's partner).[101][102] Since being elected President of Liguria in 2015, Toti became more autonomous from Berlusconi and more and more a strong supporter of closer ties with Lega Nord.[103][104] In 2018 Toti lost the title of "political counselor" (the closest thing to a number two so far) and Berlusconi appointed Antonio Tajani as vice president. In 2019 Toti finally left the party.[87][88]

Berlusconi with then FI's leaders in the Parliament, Mariastella Gelmini and Anna Maria Bernini

On social issues, most FI politicians are conservative, even though a minority of them can be considered liberal. According to an article from Corriere della Sera, on the so-called "ethical issues" (abortion, LGBT rights, etc.), the party aimed at returning to its 1994's original values (including "liberalism, the socialist roots, even the radical component"), respected its MPs' "freedom of conscience" and was open to civil unions while NCD's positions were "closer to those of the European traditionalist right".[105] In October 2014 Berlusconi personally endorsed Renzi's proposals on civil unions for gays and a quicker path to citizenship to Italian-born children of immigrants.[106] However, recent developments proved the party more socially conservative. FI clarified that it considers marriage solely as the union between a man and a woman.[107] The majority of its members voted against civil unions, whereas the NCD voted in favour.[108][109] Moreover, the party is critical of teaching gender studies in schools.[110] Party members are generally pro-life and therefore seek to limit abortion[111] and euthanasia.[112] The party has criticized illegal immigration and the way it has been managed by centre-left coalition governments.[113] It has also declared itself against the introduction of jus soli in Italy.[114] In addition, the party is opposed to drug liberalization, which it considers potentially negative for health and not useful for solving criminal matters.[115] When FI's predecessors were in power, they restricted the legislation on the matter, with the Fini-Giovanardi law.[116] Finally, FI considers Italy as a country with a Christian civilization and, thus, favours displaying Christian symbols in public places.[117]

On economic issues, FI is more supportive of the private rather than the public sector. It aims at representing business owners' interests. Therefore, it has often advocated for a reduction of taxation, red tape and public expenditure. One of its latest proposals is the introduction of a flat tax. In addition, FI is more supportive of free trade agreements rather than protectionism.[118]

On foreign policy, the party supports the European Union (EU), despite elements of criticism, NATO, and a close relationship with the United States. FI also seeks good relations with Russia, especially in defence of the interests of Italian companies that export to the Russian market.[119] The party is a member of the Europeanist, centre-right European People's Party (EPP). Whereas most of its members are supportive of the European Union (EU), the most notable example being Tajani (President of the European Parliament since 2017), others are slightly Eurosceptic and have criticised the Euro and Germany's role in the EU.[120][121][122] The party refuses the "Eurosceptic" label, while supporting a reform of the EU.[123] In 2017 Berlusconi reconciled with Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany and one of the EPP leaders, after years of hostility, re-affirming his support to the European integration and his hostility towards populism.[124][125][126]

Popular support[]

The electoral results of the FI in general (Chamber of Deputies) and European Parliament elections since 2014 are shown in the chart below.

Electoral results[]

Italian Parliament[]

Chamber of Deputies
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
2018 4,596,956 (4th) 14.0
106 / 630
–
Silvio Berlusconi
Senate of the Republic
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
2018 4,358,004 (4th) 14.4
58 / 315
–
Silvio Berlusconi

European Parliament[]

European Parliament
Election year Votes % Seats +/− Leader
2014 4,614,364 (3rd) 16.8
13 / 73
–
Silvio Berlusconi
2019 2,351,673 (4th) 8.8
7 / 76
Decrease 6
Silvio Berlusconi

Regional Councils[]

Region Election year Votes % Seats +/−
Abruzzo 2019 54,223 (4th) 9.0
3 / 31
Decrease 2
Aosta Valley 2020 3,761 (7th)[a] 5.7
0 / 35
–
Apulia 2020 149,399 (5th) 8.9
4 / 51
Decrease 1
Basilicata 2019 26,457 (3rd) 9.1
3 / 21
–
Calabria 2021 131,882 (1st) 17.3
8 / 31
Increase 3
Campania 2020 121,695 (2nd) 5.2
2 / 51
Decrease 5
Emilia-Romagna 2020 55,317 (7th) 2.6
1 / 50
Decrease 1
Friuli-Venezia Giulia 2018 50,908 (3rd) 12.1
5 / 49
Decrease 3
Lazio 2018 371,155 (3rd) 14.6
6 / 50
Decrease 3
Liguria 2020 33,040 (7th) 5.3
1 / 31
Decrease 2
Lombardy 2018 750,628 (4th) 14.3
14 / 80
Decrease 5
Marche 2020 36,716 (5th) 5.9
2 / 31
–
Molise 2018 13,627 (2nd) 9.4
4 / 21
Increase 2
Piedmont 2019 161,137 (4th) 8.4
3 / 50
Decrease 3
Sardinia 2019 56,450 (5th) 8.01
6 / 60
Decrease 5
Sicily 2017 315,056 (2nd) 16.4
14 / 70
Increase 2
South Tyrol 2018 2,825 (12th) 1.0
0 / 35
Decrease 1
Trentino 2018 7,204 (10th) 2.8
1 / 35
–
Tuscany 2020 69,456 (6th) 4.3
1 / 41
Decrease 14
Umbria 2019 22,991 (5th) 5.5
1 / 21
Decrease 1
Veneto 2020 73,244 (5th) 3.6
2 / 51
Decrease 1
  1. ^ In a joint list with Brothers of Italy.

Leadership[]

  • President: Silvio Berlusconi (2013–present)
  • Vice President: Antonio Tajani (2018–present)
  • Coordinator: Giovanni Toti (2019), Mara Carfagna (2019), Antonio Tajani (2021–present)
  • Political Counselor: Giovanni Toti (2014–2018), Renato Schifani (2021–present)
  • Spokesperson: Deborah Bergamini (2014–2018), (2018–present)
  • Organisational secretary: (2015–present)
  • Party Leader in the Chamber of Deputies: Renato Brunetta (2013–2018), Mariastella Gelmini (2018–2021), Roberto Occhiuto (2021), Paolo Barelli (2021–present)
  • Party Leader in the Senate: Paolo Romani (2013–2018), Anna Maria Bernini (2018–present)
  • Party Leader in the European Parliament: Raffaele Baldassarre (2013–2014), Elisabetta Gardini (2014–2019), Antonio Tajani (2019–present)

Symbols[]

  • Official logo,
    2013–present

  • Electoral logo,
    2014–2018

  • Electoral logo,
    2018 general election

  • Electoral logo,
    2019 European election

  • Party flag

See also[]

Notes[]

  1. ^ The name is not usually translated into English: forza is the second-person singular imperative of forzare, in this case translating to "to compel" or "to press", and so means something like "Forward, Italy", "Come on, Italy" or "Go, Italy!". Forza Italia! was used as a sport slogan, and was also the slogan of Christian Democracy in the 1987 general election (see Giovanni Baccarin, Che fine ha fatto la DC?, Gregoriana, Padova 2000). See Forza Italia for details.

References[]

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  2. ^ a b Nordsieck, Wolfram (2018). "Italy". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved 18 May 2018.
  3. ^ Carlo Taormina (28 November 2013). Il Tempo (ed.). "Silvio rialza la bandiera liberale e liberista".
  4. ^ Woods, Dwayne (2014). The Many Faces of Populism in Italy: The Northern League and Berlusconism. The Many Faces of Populism: Current Perspectives. Emerald Group. pp. 28, 41–44.
  5. ^ Pietro Ignazi (30 August 2015). "Chi sono i populisti? Lega e Forza Italia. M5s difende le regole". il Fatto Quotidiano.
  6. ^ Nicolò Conti (2015). "No Longer Pro-European? Politicisation and contestation of Europe and Italy". In Andrea Mammone; Ercole Giap Parini; Giuseppe Veltri (eds.). The Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Italy: History, Politics, Society. Routledge. p. 139. ISBN 978-1-317-48755-5.
  7. ^ Including the single deputies of Christian Revolution, the New Italian Socialist Party, the Pensioners' Party and Veneto for Autonomy.
  8. ^ In a joint group with the Union of the Centre.
  9. ^ Thomas Jansen; Steven Van Hecke (2011). At Europe's Service: The Origins and Evolution of the European People's Party. Springer. pp. 63–65. ISBN 978-3-642-19414-6.
  10. ^ Donatella M. Viola (2015). Italy. Routledge Handbook of European Elections. Routledge. p. 115. ISBN 978-1-317-50363-7.
  11. ^ Patrick McCarthy (2002). Stephen Gundle; Simon Parker (eds.). Forza Italia: the new politics and old values of a changing Italy. The New Italian Republic: From the Fall of the Berlin Wall to Berlusconi. Routledge. p. 135. ISBN 978-1-134-80791-8.
  12. ^ Diego Gambetta; Steven Warner (2016). Josep M. Colomer (ed.). Italy: Lofty Ambitions and Unintended Consequences. The Handbook of Electoral System Choice. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 244. ISBN 978-0-230-52274-9.
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