Sergio Moro

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Sergio Moro
Abertura do ano judiciário - Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) (cropped).jpg
Moro in February 2020
Minister of Justice and Public Security
In office
1 January 2019 – 24 April 2020
PresidentJair Bolsonaro
Preceded byTorquato Jardim (Justice)
Raul Jungmann (Public Security)
Succeeded byAndré Luiz Mendonça
Personal details
Born
Sergio Fernando Moro[1]

(1972-08-01) 1 August 1972 (age 49)
Maringá, Paraná, Brazil
Spouse(s)Rosângela Wolff de Quadros
Children2
MotherOdete Starke Moro
FatherDalton Áureo Moro
EducationState University of Maringá (BA)
Federal University of Paraná (MA) (PhD)
Signature

Sergio Fernando Moro (Portuguese pronunciation: [ˈsɛʁʒju ˈmoɾu]; born 1 August 1972) is a Brazilian jurist, former federal judge and college professor who served as Minister of Justice and Public Security for the government of president Jair Bolsonaro, from 2019 to 2020.[2][3] In 2015 he gained fame in Operation Car Wash (Portuguese: Operação Lava Jato), a high-profile scandal of corruption and bribery involving government officials and business executives.[4][5]

On 29 October 2018, days after the 2018 election, President-elect Jair Bolsonaro nominated Moro to be Minister of Justice and Public Security.[6] On 1 November, Moro accepted the job after personally meeting with Bolsonaro.[7][8] His appointment to Bolsonaro's cabinet and the way he had previously conducted Operation Car Wash (in particular President Lula's case) drew praise from his peers and by a significant portion of the Brazilian society, but also significant criticism was voiced, especially after revelations of alleged partiality and judicial misconduct on his part, published by the American investigative journalist Glenn Greenwald, during the Car Wash investigations.[9][10][11][12][13][14] Moro left the government in April 2020, mentioning the President's undue interference in the affairs of the Ministry of Justice and Public Security.[3] Since November 2020 he is a lawyer with the firm Alvarez and Marsal.[15]

Since his retirement from public service, leaked messages exchanged between then-judge Moro and Brazilian prosecutors resulted in widespread questioning of his impartiality during the Operation Car Wash hearings; Moro has publicly disputed these allegations.[16] On March 9, 2021, the habeas corpus trial was resumed in the Supreme Federal Court that questioned his impartiality, with two judges, Gilmar Mendes and Ricardo Lewandowski, voting that Moro was indeed biased, including the vote of these two last for the payment of a US$40,000 fine and the court costs of the lawsuit filed against Lula.[17]

Personal life[]

Moro was born in Maringá,[18] son of Odete Starke Moro and Dalton Áureo Moro, a former professor of geography at the State University of Maringá, who died in 2005.[19] His elder sibling, César Fernando Moro, owns a technology company.[20][21] The Moro family moved to Ponta Grossa when Sergio and César were children.[22][better source needed] He is of Italian descent, with origins in the region of Veneto,[23] and identifies as Catholic.[24]

Moro is married to Rosângela Wolff de Quadros, a lawyer and current legal solicitor of the National Association of Parents and Friends of Exceptional Children (Associação de Pais e Amigos dos Excepcionais). They live in Curitiba and have a couple of school-age children.[25] In addition to his professional career, little is known about his personal life.[26][27] An article published in December 2014 by IstoÉ magazine described him as someone with "reserved lifestyle and simple habits".[28]

Academic education[]

Moro got a Law degree from State University of Maringá in 1995.[28] During his studies, he interned in a law firm for two years, being described as a "sensational person" by the lawyer who hired him.[29] He attended a summer course at Harvard Law School in 1998, including studies on money laundering promoted by the US Department of State.[28] He received his master's degree in 2000 from the Federal University of Paraná with the dissertation "Development and Judicial Enforcement of Constitutional Norms", guided by Professor Clèmerson Merlin Clève.[30][31] In 2002, he completed a PhD in State Law at the same institution with the thesis "Constitutional Jurisdiction as Democracy", guided by Marçal Justen Filho.[32][33] In 2007, he participated in the International Visitor Leadership Program in which he visited U.S. agencies and institutions responsible for preventing and combating money laundering.[34]

Career[]

In 1996, Moro started teaching to law graduates at his alma mater, the Federal University of Paraná. This very same year, he became a federal judge in Porto Alegre, before moving to Joinville, Santa Catarina, in 1999. Between 2003 and 2007, Moro worked in a case involving the public bank Banestado. The investigation resulted in the arrest of nearly 200 people for tax evasion and money laundering.[35]

In 2012, he worked with Rosa Weber, a minister of the Brazilian Supreme Court, in the Mensalão scandal. Weber called him because of his experience with cases involving financial crimes, more specifically money laundering.[36]

Operation Car Wash[]

Moro in 2015.

In 2014, while working in Curitiba, Sergio Moro became one of the head judges in Operation Car Wash (Portuguese: Operação Lava Jato), a massive criminal investigation that started as a money laundering case and evolved to a huge corruption scandal crackdown, involving bribery and misappropriation of public funds by political authorities.[37] The investigation was modeled after Mani pulite in Italy.[38] Corruption scandals in Brazil usually take a long time to be investigated and the legal processes tend to stagnate. However, at an unusual speed, Moro authorized further investigations, detentions and interrogations of suspects.[39] By late 2017, at least 120 sentences were carried and 175 people were sent to jail. Despite some criticism from fellow jurists for being a "media darling", Moro enjoyed high popularity with the Brazilian people and became one of the main faces in the fight against corruption in the country.[40]

Despite criticisms regarding the high speed with which he imposed sentences in such a complex case,[41] his actions were backed by the Brazilian Supreme Court and most of his sentences and decisions were upheld in higher courts.[42] By late 2016, Moro had sent 28 people to jail on charges of corruption, with four of them having their sentences reduced and another four being acquitted by higher courts. Overall, in Operation Car Wash, 71% of the sentences given by Moro were upheld by the Brazilian Regional Federal Courts.[43]

In 2017, Moro sentenced former Brazilian president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, to 9 and a half years in jail, on the charges of money laundering and passive corruption. The sentencing caused an uproar in Brazil, with many widely supporting and saluting the judge for his decision, with others claiming he was getting ahead of himself.[44] Lula was considered the frontrunner for the 2018 presidential election.[38]

Minister of Justice[]

In many of his encounters with the media and further interviews, Sergio Moro described himself as "apolitical" and said he had no interested in joining the political world. However, right after the 2018 elections, rumors started to circulate that the president-elect, Jair Bolsonaro, was considering nominating Moro to head of the Ministry of Justice. Despite claiming he was unaware of such a plan, it was later revealed that Moro was contacted by Paulo Guedes, an incoming member of Bolsonaro's administration, during Bolsonaro's election campaign.[45] Exactly four days after the election, on 1 November 2018, Moro met with Bolsonaro and it was announced that he would become a minister in Bolsonaro's administration.[46][47]

Moro and Bolsonaro, in 2019.

His nomination was well received by fellow magistrates across the country,[48] but opponents of Bolsonaro and some people in the press criticized the decision on the grounds of conflict of interest, claiming that Moro's sentencing of former president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva greatly benefited Bolsonaro's bid for the presidency.[49]

On 12 May 2019, president Bolsonaro publicly expressed the intention of nominating Moro to the Supreme Federal Court, replacing Justice Celso de Mello, who would retire in 2020.[50] However, on 1 October 2020, he nominated Kassio Nunes Marques.

During his short 15 months tenure as Minister of Justice and Public Security, Moro focused on fighting organized crime, border security and taking new anti-corruption measures, with different degrees of success. Crime fell sharply across the board in most of the country in 2019, but if that was due to any government action or not remains unknown.[51] However, as 2020 came along, the relationship between Moro and Bolsonaro deteriorated due to a variety of factors. First, Moro started to complain about the president's interference in his ministry. According to the former judge, during talks about him assuming the Ministry of Justice, Bolsonaro made a promise to Moro that he would have independence to run his ministry the way he saw fit, including the appointment of personnel, especially in the Federal Police. However, that changed over time and the president started to interfere in investigations and in the way Moro was running the ministry.[52] On top of that, Moro also criticized Bolsonaro's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.[53]

On 24 April 2020, after an unjustified discharge of Federal Police's Director-General Maurício Valeixo by president Bolsonaro, Moro decided to announce that he would leave the Ministry, while denouncing the president's intention to meddle in investigations.[54] He then started a career as lawyer and attorney.[citation needed]

Controversies[]

Moro holding a press conference in September 2015

Moro's methods have been questioned by his peers and audited by Brazilian Justices since 2005.[55] In 2007, when a defendant wasn't to be found at home, he issued an order to monitor the lists of passengers of all airliners flying from Ciudad del Este in Paraguay and from Porto Alegre in Brazil to Curitiba in order to track the movements of the defendant's attorneys.[55] From 2007 through 2010, he issued an order to record and collect all phone communications and visitor booth talks between all inmates, their families and attorneys at Catanduvas Federal Penitentiary in order to "prevent future crimes".[55]

These cases, among others, have been considered excesses and have brought grave criticism on Moro. Justice Celso de Mello has officially accused Moro of condoning a "nosy police state" and acting as an "investigative judge".[55] Additionally, Brazilian Justice Gilmar Mendes said he was worried about Moro's actions. For him, the case showed a "set of abusive acts" and "objectionable excesses" practiced by the judge. In his dissenting opinion he wrote that they are "unacceptable behaviors in which resistance or nonconformity of the magistrate is envisaged, when contradicted by decision of superior instance".[56]

On 6 December 2016, at a ceremony in which Moro was awarded a Man of the Year prize by Brazilian Editora Três publishing house, Moro was photographed laughing alongside Brazilian Senator Aécio Neves,[57] PSDB's candidate in Brazil's 2014 Presidential Election and main critic of PT's tenures in office. Since PT is the party most scrutinized by Operation Carwash, the photograph has caused an uproar among PT supporters. During an interview, Moro has said that "the photograph was unfortunate, but there's no bias in my decisions as a judge", while also remarking that Neves is not under his jurisdiction.[58] Neves was accused by five witnesses at Operation Carwash[59] of taking R$300,000 in bribes from Alberto Youssef.[60]

The speed with which Moro has treated specific actions that involve figures from the Brazilian left and his courteous relationship with members of the former opposition, some of which under investigation themselves, has been criticized by Brazilian jurists[61] and left-wing activists and politicians, who accuse Moro of being part of a lawfare strategy[62] in order to ostracize PT and bring PSDB to power.[63]

During a lecture at Harvard University in 2017, Sergio Moro stated that he considers the use of undeclared donations – a crime in Brazilian electoral law – to fund elections more damaging than illicit enrichment through corruption: "If I take this bribe and deposit the money in Switzerland, the money stays there, it isn't harming anyone at the moment. If, however, I use the money to fraud and win an election, I find that terrible."[64][65] In May 2017, then-congressman Onyx Lorenzoni admitted to having used slush funds donated by JBS in his 2014 campaign for Congress.[66][67][68] Lorenzoni has been appointed Chief of Staff by president-elect Jair Bolsonaro;[69] upon being questioned by the press about Lorenzoni's public admission on the use of slush funds, Moro has stated that Lorenzoni has already apologized to him and has his "personal trust".[70][71][72][73][74] In November, 2018, Senator Roberto Requião (MDB) proposed a bill called "Lorenzoni Law", which would grant immediate pardon for anyone found guilty of electoral and public administration crimes or crimes against the national financial system, as long as they ask for forgiveness. This proposal, although official, has been considered a joke on Moro's statements.[75][76][77]

Telegram leaks[]

On 9 June 2019, the online newspaper The Intercept published leaked Telegram messages between Moro and the Operation Car Wash lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in which Moro allegedly sent advice and instructions to the prosecutor in order to interfere in the investigation that ultimately led to the trial and imprisonment of former president Lula da Silva.[78] He was accused of not showing impartiality as a judge of da Silva's trial.[79] Three days later, another conversation was leaked, revealing a secret meeting between Dallagnol and Supreme Court Justice Luiz Fux, asking for his support against the then fellow Supreme Court judge Teori Zavascki.[80] Moro has thoroughly denied any wrongdoing during the course of Operation Carwash and claimed that the conversations leaked by The Intercept were misrepresented by the press.[81] He also claimed that the messages could be inauthentic.[79]

On June 12, Brazilian conservative magazine Veja published a report accusing Moro of “illegally” steering prosecutors as they worked to convict Brazilian politicians and "overstepping his role as judge," claiming that its journalists had spent a fortnight pouring over nearly 650,000 leaked messages between officials involved in the investigation, and concluded the former judge was guilty of serious “irregularities.” Following the report, Moro released a statement condemning “the distorted and sensationalist diffusion of supposed messages obtained by criminal means.”[82][83]

According to the newsletters The Intercept and the AP, the FBI requested case documents about Lula's investigation before the case became public, and Moro allegedly authorized the information to be sent to the Justice Department through unofficial channels.[84] On August 20, 2019, Rep. Johnson and his colleagues sent a letter to then Attorney General William Barr stating that The Intercept published leaked communications between Judge Moro and senior prosecutors that "reveal close collaboration" and "reports of collusive actions aimed at building a case against former president Lula”.[85] Rep. Johnson requested the DOJ to inform if the "DOJ agents aware of collusive actions involving Judge Moro...".[86]

The Brazilian Congress identified at least 13 FBI agents involved with Moro and Dallagnol to collect secret court files.[87] In exchange for these files and other information, that would help the prosecution of Brazilian companies under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA),[88] U.S. authorities would share part of the fines to Moro and the Brazilian prosecutorial authorities involved with the Lava Jato operation, in order to the create a private foundation totally administered and controlled by the same Brazilian prosecutors.[89]

In July, 2020, 77 members of Congress sent a letter to their U.S. counterparts, requesting that the Americans “adopt the appropriate legislative measures” and “hold those responsible agents and officials accountable.”.[90] On July 2021, the Congressman Hank Johnson requested from Attorney General, Merrick Garland to inform the Congress what was the role of the DOJ agents in the Car Wash operation and what role DOJ played in the political persecution of Lula da Silva. Congressman Johnson also additionally, informed the Attorney General that Rep. Johnson had never received an adequate response from the Barr DOJ about the issue his letter sent in August 2019.[91]

References[]

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  89. ^ "Alexandre de Moraes suspende acordo que estabelecia fundação da Lava Jato". Poder360 (in Portuguese). 15 March 2019. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
  90. ^ "Deputados da oposição denunciam ao Congresso americano atuação ilegal do FBI junto à Operação Lava Jato". Revista Fórum (in Portuguese). 17 July 2020. Retrieved 30 June 2021.
  91. ^ "Rep. Johnson, Colleagues Ask A.G. Garland for Answers on DOJ Role in Brazil Probe and Persecution of Former President Lula da Silva". Congressman Hank Johnson. 7 June 2021. Retrieved 1 July 2021.
Political offices
Preceded by
Torquato Jardim
as Minister of Justice
Minister of Justice and Public Security
2019–2020
Succeeded by
André Luiz Mendonça
Preceded by
Raul Jungmann
as Minister of Public Security
Retrieved from ""