31 March Incident

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Part of a series on the
History of the
Ottoman Empire
Coat of Arms of the Ottoman Empire
Timeline
Rise (1299–1453)
Classical Age (1453–1566)
Transformation (1566–1703)
Old Regime (1703–1789)
Decline & Modernization (1789–1908)
Dissolution (1908–1922)
Historiography (Ghaza, Decline)
  • v
  • t

The 31 March Incident (Turkish: 31 Mart Vakası, 31 Mart Olayı, 31 Mart Hadisesi, or 31 Mart İsyanı) was a political crisis within the Ottoman Empire in 1909, during the Second Constitutional Era. Occurring soon after the 1908 Young Turk Revolution, in which the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) had successfully restored the 1876 constitution and ended the absolute rule of Sultan Abdul Hamid II, it was a general uprising against the CUP, in part a reactionary response by Islamists opposed to the secularising influence of the CUP and supporters of absolutism,[1] as well as liberals opposed to growing authoritarian tendencies of the Committee.[citation needed]

The crisis began with a mutiny among elite Macedonian troops of the Istanbul garrison on the night of 12–13 April [O.S. 30–31 March] 1909, sparked by agitation from Muslim fundamentalists, low morale and officerial mismanagement. The unrest quickly spiralled out of control as religious students and other elements of the city's garrison joined the insurrection, converging on Ayasofya Square to demand the re-establishment of Sharia. The CUP-aligned government of Grand Vizier Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha responded ineffectually, and by the afternoon of 13 April its authority in the capital had collapsed. The Sultan accepted Hilmi Pasha's resignation and appointed a new cabinet free from the CUP's influence under Ahmet Tevfik Pasha. Most CUP members fled the city for their power base in Salonika (modern Thessaloniki) while Mehmed Talaat escaped with 100 deputies to San Stefano (Yeşilköy),[2] where they proclaimed the new ministry illegal and attempted to rally secularists and minorities in support of their cause. For a brief period two rival authorities each claimed to represent the legitimate government. These events triggered the Adana massacre, a month-long series of anti-Armenian pogroms organised by local officials and Islamic clerics in which 20,000 to 25,000 Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians were killed.

The uprising was suppressed and the former government restored when elements of the Ottoman Army sympathetic to the CUP formed an impromptu military force known as the Action Army (Hareket Ordusu), which entered Istanbul on 24 April after failed negotiations. On 27 April, Abdul Hamid II, accused by the CUP of complicity in the uprising, was deposed by the National Assembly and his brother, Mehmed V, made sultan. Mahmud Shevket Pasha, the military general who had organised and led the Action Army, became the most influential figure in the restored constitutional system until his assassination in 1913.[3]

The precise nature of events is uncertain; differing interpretations have been offered by historians, ranging from a spontaneous revolt of discontents to a secretly planned and coordinated counter-revolution against the CUP. Most modern studies disregard claims the Sultan was actively involved in plotting the uprising,[4] emphasising the CUP's mismanagement of troops in the build up to the mutiny and the role of conservative religious groups.[5] The crisis was a important early moment in the empire's process of disintegration, setting a pattern of political instability which continued with military coups in 1912 and 1913. The temporary loss of power led to radicalisation within the CUP, resulting in an increasing willingness among unionists to utilise violence.[6] Some scholars have argued that the deterioration of ethnic relations and erosion of public institutions during 1908–1909 precipitated the Armenian genocide.[7]

Background[]

Further information: Young Turk Revolution
A Greek lithograph celebrating equality and brotherhood among Ottoman subjects following the 1908 revolution

The educational reforms during Abdul Hamid II's reign (1876–1909) had led to an increased diffusion of liberal political thought from Western Europe among young Ottoman professionals and military officers.[8] A loosely organised underground movement of reformists known as the Young Turks emerged to press for the restoration of a constitutional monarchy and political reform. These demands were partly inspired by the Young Ottomans, a secret society of intellectuals which had forced Abdul Hamid to enact a liberal constitution during the brief First Constitutional Era (1876–1878).[9]

In July 1908, a secret revolutionary organisation called the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) led an insurrection in the empire's Balkan provinces which compelled the sultan to restore the constitution of 1876, in what became known as the Young Turk Revolution.[10][11] The CUP, internally divided and lacking an agreed political program, did not take over government; instead it chose to influence the unsteady parliamentary regime from a distance and its Central Committee remained based in Salonika.[12][13] The CUP cautiously undertook to restrict the sultan's powers and by early August 1908 it had overseen the transfer of navy and army ministerial appointments away from the sultan to the office of the grand vizier.[14] The sultan's palace staff were reduced and replaced with CUP members who monitored Abdul Hamid's official correspondence.[14] Meanwhile, the interim government of Kâmil Pasha carried out a series of democratic and administrative reforms, abolishing the secret police and rescinding press censorship powers, permitting free political campaigning ahead of a general election held during November and December.[15] Abdul Hamid opened the new parliamentary session on 17 December.[16]

Throughout 1908, as events continued to unfold in Istanbul, the Ottoman Empire lost large portions of its European territory. This was due to both encroachments by foreign powers and the activity of the empire's ethnic minorities: Austria annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria declared independence, and Greece seized Crete.[17] These losses dampened the popular elation that had followed the re-establishment of parliament, while open political debate brought existing cleavages to the surface. Muslims saw the new government as impotent in the face of pressure from European powers, while government promises to reclaim the lost territories upset minorities who hoped for greater autonomy or independence.[18] One of the greatest threats came from supporters of Islamism, who agitated against the secular nature of the new constitution and equality for non-Muslims, arguing that the adoption of Western technology did not need to be accompanied by a move away from Islamic law. This view was widely held throughout Ottoman society and Islamists may have enjoyed the private support of Abdul Hamid, despite his proclamations in favour of the new constitution.[18]

Military revolt[]

Prelude[]

The murder of Hasan Fehmi, editor-in-chief of the anti-CUP newspaper Serbestî, in the days preceding the mutiny acted as a catalyst for unrest.

In October 1908, the Committee of Union and Progress arranged for the transfer of three seasoned sharpshooter (Avci) battalions of the Third Army Corps from Salonika to Istanbul in response to increased political tension in the city and concerns over the loyalty of its regular garrison, the First Army Corps.[19] The Third Army's mektepli officers – graduates of the prestigious Ottoman Military College trained in modern military techniques – had played an instrumental role in the 1908 revolution.[16] Upon their arrival in Istanbul, the well-connected mektepli officers began to play an important role within the capital's political and social scene, attending CUP political functions, banquets and theatrical performances. With their officers increasingly absent, discipline within the sharpshooter battalions began to break down.[19] A generational divide exacerbated the poor relationship between the officers and their men, as opponents of the CUP within the military expressed unhappiness with entrusting the empire's leadership to "yesterday’s school children", the young CUP officers recently graduated from military academies, at the expense of more experienced officers who had climbed the ranks. The situation worsened when the newly elected parliament announced its intention to retire a significant part of the officer corps, with cuts disproportionately affecting non-commissioned officers.[20]

In late October, authorities arranged for the transfer of Albanian troops seen as hostile to the new regime out of Istanbul. Many of these soldiers were soon due to be discharged, and upon receiving orders for deployment to Yemen a portion refused and demonstrated for the immediate termination of their contracts.[14] Troops from the fourth Avci battalion were sent to suppress the protests by force and a second riot among Albanian troops in March was again put down by Avci troops, who fired into the riotous crowd of Albanians with machine guns. These events severely damaged morale among the sharpshooters.[21] In February 1909, Grand Vizier Kâmil Pasha moved to weaken the CUP's grip on power by appointing his own candidates as Ministers of War and Navy. In response, the CUP orchestrated a confidence vote against his cabinet, forcing him to resign.[21] On 14 February 1909, the CUP's preferred candidate, Hüseyin Hilmi Pasha, was appointed the new grand vizier.[22] Rumours spread within the city that the CUP would use the Avci troops to depose Abdul Hamid, or that Kâmil Pasha had attempted to order them back to Macedonia.[21] As a consequence of these machinations, the battalions became increasingly politicised and, to the frustration of ordinary soldiers, seen as a tool of the CUP.[21]

Discontent among the soldiers was further stirred up by Muslim fundamentalists. Islamists in Istanbul were led by a charismatic mystic from Cyprus called Hafiz  [tr], who may have belonged to the Bektashi Order.[23] Vahdeti established the  [tr], also known as the Mohammedan Union Party, and set up a newspaper called  [tr] (Volcano) in November 1908 to spread anti-secularist rhetoric and campaign against the government.[24][25] Religious conservatives portrayed the restored 1876 constitution as sacrificing Islamic traditions in order to curry favour with Western states and attacked the new general assembly for giving minorities and Christians within the empire greater influence, issues which resonated with soldiers who had recently been fighting separatists in the Balkans.[26][27] Attempts by the CUP to introduce new mektepli officers and training regimen into the First Army Corps resulted in less time for soldiers to undertake ablution and prayer, allowing Islamists to present the CUP and its officers as irreligious, even atheistic, free masons from Macedonia.[28][5] Although Abdul Hamid refused to provide financial support for the movement and newspaper, figures connected with the palace purportedly supported Vahdeti and one of the sultan's sons, Şehzade Mehmed Burhaneddin, was a member of the Mohammedan Union.[23] The society held its first mass rally on 3 April at the Hagia Sophia; its agitation for the restoration of Sharia gained widespread support, including from soldiers stationed in the city.[23]

On 6 April, Hasan Fehmi, a prominent opposition journalist, was shot and killed as he crossed Galata Bridge in Istanbul. The assassination went unsolved but many in the city speculated that the CUP had been responsible.[29] Protests by Islamic conservatives and seminary students over the killings led to unrest among soldiers in the city's main barracks.[29]

Mutiny[]

Tashkishla Barracks at Taksim following the suppression of the uprising

Early on the morning of 13 April, troops of the fourth Avci regiment based at the Tashkishla barracks mutinied, locking up their officers and marching onto the streets to call for the reinstatement of Sharia and for the CUP to be disbanded.[16] Religious students joined the mutinying soldiers outside the Sultan Ahmed Mosque, before marching to the Parliament building.[23] A number of officers were killed. Hilmi Pasha's government failed to act decisively to take control of the situation and by the afternoon of 13 April its authority in the capital had collapsed. Hilmi Pasha and his cabinet resigned, and the Sultan swiftly appointed Ahmet Tevfik Pasha as grand vizier. Ahmed Rıza, president of the Chamber of Deputies, escaped from the capital, and so Ismail Qemali took his place.

Political crisis[]

Deputies of the Parliament in Selanik

During the uprising, Edirne deputy and CUP member Mehmed Talaat escaped with 100 deputies to Ayastefanos (Yeşilköy),[2] and organized a counter government, declaring the current government in Constantinople illegal.

The CUP appealed to Mahmud Shevket Pasha, commander of the Ottoman Third Army based in Selanik (modern Thessaloniki) to quell the uprising.[30][31] With support from the commander of the Ottoman Second Army in Edirne, Mahmud Shevket combined the armies to create a strike force named Hareket Ordusu ("Action Army").[30][31] The Action Army numbered 20,000-25,000 Ottoman troops[30] and were involved in events known as the 31 March Incident toward ending the coup.[32] The eleventh Reserve (Redif) Division based in Selanik composed the advance guard of the Action Army and the chief of staff was Mustafa Kemal Pasha.[31][33]

Action Army forces marching on Bakırköy

The Action Army were joined by 15,000 volunteers including 4,000 Bulgarians, 2,000 Greeks and 700 Jews.[1] Adding to those numbers were Albanians that supported the Action Army with Çerçiz Topulli and Bajram Curri bringing 8,000 Albanian men and Major Ahmed Niyazi Bey with 1,800 men from Resne.[1] In short time CUP members Fethi Okyar, Hafız Hakkı and Enver Bey returned from their international posts at Ottoman embassies and joined Mahmud Shevket as his military staff prior to reaching Istanbul.[34][31] Traveling by train the soldiers went to Çatalca, then Hademköy and later reached Talaat's assembly in Ayastefanos.[31] It was secretly agreed there that Abdulhamid would be deposed for his brother Reşad. A delegation was sent to Army headquarters by the Ottoman parliament that sought to stop it from taking Istanbul through force.[31] The Action Army laid siege to Constantinople on 17 April 1909.

The Sultan remained in the Yildiz and had frequent conferences with Grand Vizier Tewfik Pasha who announced:

His Sublime Majesty awaits benevolently the arrival of the so called constitutional army. He has nothing to gain or fear since his Sublimity is for the Constitution and is its supreme guardian.[35]

Negotiations continued for six days. The negotiators were Rear Admiral , Emanuel Karasu Efendi (Carasso), Esad Pasha Toptani, and (Pasiner). Finally, at the moment when the conflict showed signs of extending to the public, the Salonikan troops entered Istanbul.

Action Army forces entering Istanbul

On April 24 the occupation of Istanbul by the Action Army began in the early morning through military operations directed by , an Albanian, that retook the city with little resistance from the mutineers.[36][37] The barracks of Tașkışla and Taksim offered strong resistance and by four o'clock of the afternoon the remaining rebels surrendered.[37]

Caricature of the Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II talking with his secretary soon before his ouster from the throne

The Macedonian troops attacked the Taksim and Tashkishla barracks. There was fierce street fighting in the European quarter where the guard houses were held by the First Army Corps. There was heavy fire from troops in the Tashkishla barracks against the advancing troops. The barracks had to be shelled and almost destroyed by the artillery located on the heights above the barracks before the garrison surrendered after several hours fighting and heavy losses. Equally desperate was the defence of the Taksim barracks. The attack on the Taksim barracks was led by Enver Bey. After a short battle they gained control of the palace on 27 April.[38]

Sultan Abdul Hamid was deserted by most of his advisors. The parliament discussed the question as to whether he would be permitted to remain on the throne or be deposed or even be executed. Putting the Sultan to death was considered unwise as such a step might rouse a fanatical response and plunge the Empire into civil war. On the other hand, there were those who felt that after all that had happened it was impossible that the Parliament could ever again work with the Sultan.[39]

On April 27 the Assembly held a meeting behind closed doors under the presidency of Said Pasha. In order to remove the Sultan, a fatwa was needed.[40] So, a fatwa drawn up in the form of question and was given to scholars to answer and sign. A scholar by the name of Nuri Efendi was brought to sign the fatwa. Initially, Nuri Efendi was unsure whether three crimes raised in the question were carried out by Abdulhamid. He initially suggested that it would better to ask the Sultan to resign. It was insisted that Nuri Efendi sign the fatwa. However Nuri Efendi continued to refuse. Finally, Mustafa Asim Efendi convinced him and so the fatwa was signed by him and then it was signed by the newly appointed Sheikh ul Islam, Mehmed Ziyâeddin Efendi, legalising it.[40][41] The fatwa complete with the answer was now read to the assembled members:

If an imam of the Muslims tampers with and burns the sacred books.
If he appropriates public money.
If after killing imprisoning and exiling his subjects unjustly, he swears to amend his ways and then perjures himself.
If he causes civil war and bloodshed among his own people.
If it is shown that his country will gain peace by his removal and if it be considered by those who have power that this imam should abdicate or be deposed.
Is it lawful that one of these alternatives be adopted.
The answer is "Olur" (it is permissible).[42]

Then the Assembly unanimously voted that Abdul Hamid should be deposed.

Outcome[]

The counter-coup's failure brought the Committee of Union and Progress back into power enabling it to form a government.

Delegation of the Ottoman parliament to Abdul Hamid II. Left to right: Rearadmiral Arif Hikmet Pasha, Emanuel Karasu Efendi, Essad Pasha Toptani, Aram Efendi and Colonel Galip Bey (Pasiner), April 1909.

The incident led to a change of Grand Vizier with Ahmed Tevfik Pasha assuming the position. Other consequences were restoration of constitution for a third time (after earlier attempts in 1876 and 1908). Both parliamentary chambers convened on April 27 and deposed Abdul Hamid II.[36][30][37] He was replaced with his younger brother Reşat who took the name Mehmed V, to symbolically style him as the second conquer of Istanbul after Mehmed II.[36][30][37] Four CUP members composed of one Armenian, one Jew and two Muslim Albanians went to inform the sultan of his dethronement, with Essad Pasha Toptani being the main messenger saying "the nation has deposed you".[30] Some Muslims expressed dismay that non Muslims had informed the sultan of his deposition.[30] As a result, the focus of the sultan's rage was toward Toptani whom Abdul Hamid II felt had betrayed him.[30] The sultan referred to him as a "wicked man", given that the extended Toptani family had benefited from royal patronage in gaining privileges and key positions in the Ottoman government.Gawrych 2006, p. 167 Albanians involved in the counterrevolutionary movement were executed such as Halil Bey from Krajë which caused indignation among conservative Muslims of Shkodër.[36]

After the 31 March Incident, the Committee of Union and Progress outlawed societies which supported ethnic minorities' interests within Ottoman society, including the , and prohibited the publication of several journals and newspapers that featured radical Islamic rhetoric.[citation needed]

Under the multi-religious "balancing policies", the Committee of Union and Progress believed it could achieve an "Ottomanisation" (i.e. Ottoman nationalism rather than ethnic or religious nationalism) of all the subjects of the Empire. These measures were successful in stirring some nationalist sentiment among the non-Turkish populations, further cementing a national sensibility resistant to conservative Islam.[citation needed]


Memorial[]

Esad Hayreddin Bey, one of the soldiers killed during the event

The Monument of Liberty (Ottoman Turkish: Abide-i Hürriyet‎) was erected 1911 in Şişli district of Istanbul as a memorial to the 74 soldiers killed in action during this event.

See also[]

References[]

Citations[]

  1. ^ Jump up to: a b c Gawrych 2006, pp. 167–168.
  2. ^ Jump up to: a b Kieser 2018, p. 72.
  3. ^ Shaw 1976, p. 282.
  4. ^ Swenson 1970, p. 171.
  5. ^ Jump up to: a b Gingeras 2016, p. 36.
  6. ^ Gingeras 2016, p. 38.
  7. ^ Der Matossian 2011, pp. 152.
  8. ^ Shaw 1976, p. 255.
  9. ^ Butt 2017, p. 133.
  10. ^ Gingeras 2016, pp. 32–33.
  11. ^ Shaw 1976, pp. 266–267.
  12. ^ Shaw 1976, p. 274.
  13. ^ Kieser 2018, p. 66.
  14. ^ Jump up to: a b c Gawrych 2006, p. 166.
  15. ^ Shaw 1976, pp. 274–276.
  16. ^ Jump up to: a b c Georgeon 2007, para. 12.
  17. ^ Shaw 1976, pp. 276–277.
  18. ^ Jump up to: a b Shaw 1976, pp. 278–279.
  19. ^ Jump up to: a b Swenson 1970, p. 173.
  20. ^ Gingeras 2016, pp. 35–36.
  21. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Swenson 1970, p. 174.
  22. ^ Swenson 1970, pp. 172, 174, 176.
  23. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Shaw 1976, p. 280.
  24. ^ Muammer Kaylan (8 April 2005). The Kemalists: Islamic Revival and the Fate of Secular Turkey. Prometheus Books, Publishers. p. 74. ISBN 978-1-61592-897-2.
  25. ^ Swenson 1970, p. 176.
  26. ^ Gingeras 2016, p. 35.
  27. ^ Shaw 1976, pp. 279–280.
  28. ^ Swenson 1970, p. 175.
  29. ^ Jump up to: a b Gingeras 2016, p. 37.
  30. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Gawrych 2006, p. 167.
  31. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Zürcher 2017, p. 202.
  32. ^ Zürcher 2017, pp. 200, 202.
  33. ^ Bardakci, Murat (16 April 2007). "Askerin siyasete yerleşmesi 31 Mart isyanıyla başladı". Sabah (in Turkish). Retrieved 28 December 2008.
  34. ^ Yılmaz 2016, p. 144.
  35. ^ Knight 1910, p. 342.
  36. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Skendi, Stavro (1967). The Albanian National Awakening. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 364–365. ISBN 9781400847761.
  37. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Zürcher, Erik Jan (2017). "31 Mart: A Fundamentalist Uprising in Istanbul in April 1909?". In Lévy-Aksu, Noémi; Georgeon, François (eds.). The Young Turk Revolution and the Ottoman Empire: The Aftermath of 1918. I.B.Tauris. p. 203. ISBN 9781786720214.
  38. ^ Knight 1910, p. 348.
  39. ^ Knight 1910, p. 350.
  40. ^ Jump up to: a b Bardakçı, Murat (7 May 2008). "Osmanlı demokrasisi kitap yırttı diye padişahı bile tahtından indirmişti" (in Turkish). Hürriyet Daily News. Retrieved 25 July 2019.
  41. ^ KÜÇÜK, CEVDET (1988). "ABDÜLHAMİD II". İslâm Ansiklopedisi (in Turkish). TDV İslâm Araştırmaları Merkezi. Retrieved 25 July 2019.
  42. ^ Knight 1910, p. 351.

Bibliography[]

  • Ahmad, Feroz; Şenses, Bülent Şenses (2007). "Hareket Ordusu". In Fleet, Kate; et al. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_30322 – via Brill Reference Online.
  • Butt, Ahsan I. (2017). "The Ottoman Empire's Escalation from Reforms to the Armenian Genocide, 1908–1915". Secession and Security: Explaining State Strategy against Separatists. Ithaca; London: Cornell University Press. pp. 125–162. ISBN 978-1-5017-1394-1. JSTOR 10.7591/j.ctt1w0d9w9.9.
  • Der Matossian, Bedross (August 2011). "From Bloodless Revolution to Bloody Counterrevolution: The Adana Massacres of 1909". Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal. 6 (2): 152–173. doi:10.3138/gsp.6.2.152. ISSN 1911-0359.
  • Edward Yapp, Malcolm; Shaw, Stanford J. (2005). "Ottoman Empire". In The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (ed.). Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 21 May 2021.
  • Gawrych, George (2006). The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-287-5.
  • Georgeon, François (2007). "Abdülhamid II". In Fleet, Kate; et al. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_ei3_COM_0101 – via Brill Reference Online.
  • Gingeras, Ryan (2016). Fall of the Sultanate: The Great War and the End of the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1922 (First ed.). Oxford. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676071.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-967607-1 – via Oxford Scholarship.
  • Kieser, Hans-Lukas (2018). Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15762-7.
  • Knight, E. F. (1910). Turkey : the awakening of Turkey, the Turkish revolution of 1908. Norwood, M.A.: J. B. Millet – via Internet Archive.
  • Shaw, Stanford J. (1976). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. hdl:2027/heb.01919. ISBN 978-0-521-29166-8 – via ACLS Humanities E-Book.
  • Swenson, Victor R. (1970). "The Military Rising in Istanbul 1909". Journal of Contemporary History. 5 (4): 171–184. doi:10.1177/002200947000500410. ISSN 0022-0094. JSTOR 259871. S2CID 162348476.
  • Wasti, S. Tanvir (1996). "Halil Menteşe: The Quadrumvir". Middle Eastern Studies. 32 (3): 92–105. doi:10.1080/00263209608701120. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 4283809.
  • Wasti, S. Tanvir (1996). "The Last Chroniclers of the Mabeyn". Middle Eastern Studies. 32 (2): 1–29. doi:10.1080/00263209608701102. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 4283809.
  • Zürcher, E. J. (1996). "The Ides of April. A Fundamentalist uprising in Istanbul in 1909?". In van Dijk, Cees; de Groot, Alexander H. (eds.). State and Islam. Leiden: Leiden CNWS. pp. 64–76. hdl:1887/2513.
  • Yılmaz, Șuhnaz (2016). "Revisiting Netwrosk and Narratives: Enver Pasha's Pan-Islamic and Pan-Turkic Quest". In Moreau, Odile; Schaar, Stuart (eds.). Subversives and Mavericks in the Muslim Mediterranean: A Subaltern History. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-1-4773-1093-9.
Retrieved from ""