Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

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The Naxalite–Maoist insurgency is an ongoing conflict^[21] between Maoist groups known as Naxalites or Naxals; a group of far-left radical communists, supportive of Maoist political sentiment and ideology, and the Indian government. The insurgency started after the 1967 Naxalbari uprising led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal. Their origin can be traced when the Communist Party of India (Marxist) split in 1967, leading to the creation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). After in-party fighting and counter-measures taken by the government, the CPI(ML) split into many smaller factions carrying out terrorist attacks across India mostly areas in the Red corridor.

In January 2005, talks between the Andhra Pradesh state government and the CPI-Maoists broke down and the rebels accused authorities of not addressing their demands for a written truce, release of prisoners and redistribution of land.^[22] The ongoing conflict had taken place over a vast territory (around half of India's 28 states) with hundreds of people being killed annually in clashes between the CPI-Maoists and the government every year since 2005.^[23][24]

Of late, it has mostly been confined to Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. It is also one of the world's longest ongoing insurgencies.

The armed wing of the Naxalite–Maoists is called the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) and is estimated to have between 6,500 and 9,500 cadres, mostly armed with small arms.^[25][26] According to a 2010 study by the newspaper The Times of India, 58% of people surveyed in the state of Andhra Pradesh have a positive perception of the guerrilla, and only 19% against it.^[27] The Naxalites have frequently targeted tribal, police and government workers in what they say is a fight for improved land rights and more jobs for neglected agricultural laborer and the poor.^[28] The Naxalites claim that they are following a strategy of rural rebellion similar to a protracted people's war against the government.^[29]

In February 2009, the Indian central government announced a new nationwide initiative to be called the Integrated Action Plan (IAP) for broad coordinated operations aimed at combatting and undermining support for the Naxalites in Karnataka, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. This plan included funding for grass-roots economic development projects in Naxalite-affected areas as well as increased special police funding for better containment and reduction of Naxalite influence.^[30][31] After the first full year of implementation of the national IAP program, Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxal-affected states in August 2010.^[32] In July 2011, the number of Naxal-affected areas was reduced to 83 districts across nine states.^[33][34][35] In December 2011, the national government reported that the number of conflict-related deaths and injuries nationwide had gone down by nearly 50% from 2010 levels.

The Naxalite–Maoist insurgency again gained international media attention after the 2013 Naxal attack in Darbha valley resulted in the deaths of around 24 Indian National Congress leaders, including the former state minister Mahendra Karma and the Chhattisgarh Congress chief Nand Kumar Patel.^[36]

Naxalism is largely popular in tribal and rural areas of India. Many blame what they say is the elected government's lack of development in tribal areas and villages.^[37] Naxalites often do the work of the government by building schools, dams and roads.^[38]

Etymology[]

The term Naxal comes from the village Naxalbari in West Bengal where the Naxalbari uprising of 1967 occurred. People who are engaged in the insurgency are called Naxals or Naxalite. The movement itself is referred to as Naxalism.

History[]

Phase 1 (1967-1973)[]

The insurgency started in 1967 in the Naxalbari village of West Bengal by a radical faction of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal dubbed the Naxalbari uprising. Charu Majumdar wanted a protracted people's war in India similar to the Chinese revolution (1949). He wrote the Historic Eight Documents which became the foundation of the naxalite movement in 1967. ^[39][40]

The uprising inspired similar movements in Orissa, Andhra Pradesh (Srikakulam peasant uprising) and Kerala.^[41]

Naxalbari uprsing[]

On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal Santhal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal, and their readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless.^[42] At the time, the leaders of this revolt were members of the CPI (M), which joined a coalition government in West Bengal just a few months back. However, the led to dispute within the party as Charu Majumdar believed the CPM was to support a doctrine based on revolution similar to that of the People's Republic of China.^[43][44] Leaders like land minister Hare Krishna Konar had been until recently "trumpeting revolutionary rhetoric, suggesting that militant confiscation of land was integral to the party's programme."^[45] However, now that they were in power, CPI (M) did not approve of the armed uprising, and all the leaders and a number of Calcutta sympathizers were expelled from the party. This disagreement within the party soon culminated with the Naxalbari Uprising on May 25 of the same year, and Majumdar led a group of dissidents to start a revolt.^[43]

On 25 May 1967 in Naxalbari, Darjeeling district, a sharecropper of tribal background (Adivasi) who had been given land by the courts under the tenancy laws was attacked by the landlord's men. In retaliation, tribals started forcefully capturing back their lands. When a police team arrived, they were ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal, and a police inspector was killed in a hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals and other poor people to join the movement and to start attacking local landlords.^[46] After seventy-two days of revolt, the CPI (M) coalition government suppressed this incident.^[43] Subsequently, In November 1967, this group, led by Sushital Ray Chowdhury, organized the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR).^[47] Violent uprisings were organized in several parts of the country like the Srikakulam peasant uprising.

Mao Zedong provided ideological inspiration for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government of the upper classes by force.^[48][44] A large number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread through Charu Majumdar's writings, particularly the Historic Eight Documents.^[49] These documents were essays formed from the opinions of communist leaders and theorists such as Mao Zedong, Karl Marx, and Vladimir Lenin.^[43] Using People's courts, similar to those established by Mao, Naxalites try opponents and execute with axes or knives, beat, or permanently exile them.^[50]

Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)[]

On 22 April 1969 (Lenin's birthday), the AICCCR gave birth to the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI (ML)).The party was formed by the radicals of the CPI-M like Majumdar and Saroj Dutta. Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). The first party congress was held in Calcutta 1970. A Central Committee was elected. In 1971 Satyanarayan Singh revolted against the leadership, "individual killing of people branded as class enemy" and sectarianism of Majumdar. The result became that the party was split into two, one CPI (ML) led by Satyanarayan Singh and one CPI (ML) led by Majumdar.

In 1972, frail and broken Majumdar died of multiple diseases in police custody presumably as a result of torture; his death accelerated the fragmentation of the movement. After his death a series of splits took place during the major part of the 1970s. The naxalite movement suffered a period of extremely harsh repression that rivalled the Dirty Wars of South America at the same time that the movement got all more fragmented.^[51] After Majumdar's death the CPI (ML) central committee split into pro- and anti-Majumdar factions. In December 1972 the Central Committee of the pro-Charu Majumdar CPI (ML) led by Sharma and Mahadev Mukherjee adopted resolution to follow the line of Charu Majumdar unconditionally which others did not agree to. The pro-Charu Majumdar CPI (ML) later split into pro- and anti-Lin Biao factions. The pro-Lin Biao faction became known as Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (Mahadev Mukherjee)^[52] and the anti-Lin Biao-group later became known as Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation^[53] and was led by Jauhar, Vinod Mishra, Swadesh Bhattacharya.^[51] As a result of both external repression and a failure to maintain internal unity, the movement degenerated into extreme sectarianism.

Violence in West Bengal[]

Around 1971 the Naxalites gained a strong presence among the radical sections of the student movement in Calcutta.^[54] Students left school to join the Naxalites. Majumdar, to entice more students into his organisation, declared that revolutionary warfare was to take place not only in the rural areas as before, but now everywhere and spontaneously. Thus Majumdar declared an "annihilation line", a dictum that Naxalites should assassinate individual "class enemies" (such as landlords, businessmen, university teachers, police officers, politicians of the right and left) and others.^[55][56]

The chief minister, Siddhartha Shankar Ray of the Congress Party, instituted strong counter-measures against the Naxalites. The West Bengal police fought back to stop the Naxalites. The house of Somen Mitra, the Congress MLA of Sealdah, was allegedly turned into a torture chamber where Naxals were incarcerated illegally by police and the Congress cadres. CPI(M) cadres were also involved in clashes with the Naxals. After suffering losses and facing the public rejection of Majumdar's "annihilation line", the Naxalites alleged human rights violations by the West Bengal police, who responded that the state was effectively fighting a civil war and that democratic pleasantries had no place in a war, especially when the opponent did not fight within the norms of democracy and civility.^[46]

Operation Steeplechase[]

In July 1971, Indira Gandhi took advantage of President's rule to mobilize the Indian Army against the Naxalites and launched a colossal combined army and police counter-insurgency operation, termed "Operation Steeplechase" killing hundreds of Naxalites and imprisoning more than 20,000 suspects and cadres, including senior leaders.^[57] The paramilitary forces and a brigade of para commandos also participated in Operation Steeplechase. The operation was choreographed in October 1969, and Lt. General J.F.R. Jacob was enjoined by Govind Narain, the Home Secretary of India, that "there should be no publicity and no records" and Jacob's request to receive the orders in writing was also denied by Sam Manekshaw.^[58]

By the 1970s the government led many crackdowns on the movement like the and by 1973 the main cadres of the Naxalites had been eliminated and were dead or behind bars.^[59] The movement fractured into more than 40 separate small groups.^[60] As a result, instead of popular armed struggle in the countryside, individual terrorism in Calcutta became a principal method of struggle.

Phase 2 (1967–late 1990s)[]

The early 1970s saw the spread of Naxalism to almost every state in India, barring Western India.^[61] During the 1970s, the movement was fragmented into disputing factions. By 1980, it was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a combined membership of 30,000.^[62] Though India’s first wave of insurgent violence ended badly for this domestic left-wing extremist movement but did not eliminate the conditions inspiring the movement or all of those willing to hold to the Naxalite cause. This time, the insurgency was done in South India particularly in the (undivided) state of Andhra Pradesh.^[63]

On April 22, 1980, the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War, commonly called as People's War Group (PWG) was founded by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah. He sought a more efficient structure in attacks and followed the principles of Charu Majumdar. By 1978 Naxalite peasant revolts had spread to the Karimnagar District and Adilabad District.This new waves of insurgents kidnapped landlords and forced them to confess to crimes, apologize to villagers, and repay forced bribes. By the early 1980s insurgents had established a stronghold and sanctuary in the interlinked North Telangana village and Dandakaranya forests areas along the Andhra Pradesh and Orissa border.

In 1985 Naxalite insurgents began ambushing police. After they killed a police sub-inspector in Warangal, IPS officer K. S. Vyas raised a special task force called the Greyhounds;^[64] an elite anti-Naxalite commando unit that still exists today to establish control in the seven worst affected districts.

The governments of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa managed to quell down the rebels with a variety of counterinsurgency measures. Including the help of the Greyhounds, the states established special laws that enabled police to capture and detain Naxalite cadres, fighters and presumed supporters.^[65] They also invited additional central paramilitary forces. The states also set up rival mass organizations to attract youth away from the Naxalites, started rehabilitation programs (like the Surrender and Rehabilitation package^[66]), and established new informant networks. By 1994, nearly 9000 Naxalites surrendered.

In 2003 following an attack on the then Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu,^[67] the state embarked on a rapid modernization of its police force while ramping up its technical and operational capabilities.^[66][68] By the early 2000s, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have seen very minimal Naxal presence.

Phase 3 (2004-Current)[]

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) was founded on 21 September 2004, through the merger of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War (People's War Group), and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI). The merger was announced on 14 October the same year. In the merger a provisional central committee was constituted, with the erstwhile People's War Group leader Muppala Lakshmana Rao, alias "Ganapathi", as general secretary.^[69] Further, on May Day 2014, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Naxalbari merged into the CPI (Maoist).^[70] The CPI (Maoist) is active in the forest belt of Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Odisha and some remote regions of Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

It has carried out several attacks (see Timeline of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency) notably on 15 February 2010, several of the guerrilla commanders of CPI (Maoist), killed 24 personnel of the Eastern Frontier Rifles.^[71] On 6 April 2010, the Maoists ambushed and killed 76 paramilitary personnel who felled out to the trap laid by the lurking Maoists.^[72] On 25 May 2013, the CPI (Maoist) ambushed a convoy of the Indian National Congress at Bastar, and killed 27 people including Mahendra Karma, Nand Kumar Patel and Vidya Charan Shukla.^[73] On 3 April, 2021, twenty-two soldiers were killed in a Maoist ambush on the border of Bijapur and Sukma districts in southern Chhattisgarh.^[74]

In September 2009, a all-out offensive was launched by the Government of India's paramilitary forces and the state's police forces against the CPI (Maoist) is termed by the Indian media as the "Operation Green Hunt".^[75] Since the start of the operation: 2,266 Maoist militants have been killed, 10,181 have been arrested and 9,714 have surrendered.^[76]

Regions affected (Red corridor)[]

In 2007, it was estimated that Naxalites were active across "half of the India's 29 states" who account for about 40 percent of India's geographical area, an area known as the "Red Corridor", where according to estimates they had influence over 92,000 square kilometers. In 2009, Naxalites were active across approximately 180 districts in ten states of India^[77] In August 2010, Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxal-affected states^[32] In July 2011, the number of Naxal-affected areas was reduced to (including proposed addition of 20 districts) 83 districts across nine states.^[33][34][35]

As of April 2018, the areas where Naxalites are most visible are:

• Andhra Pradesh: Visakhapatnam
• Bihar: Gaya, Jamui, Lakhisarai
• Chhattisgarh: Bastar, Bijapur, Dantewada, Kanker, Kondagaon, Narayanpur, Rajnandgaon, Sukma
• Jharkhand: Bokaro, Chatra, Garhwa, Giridih, Gumla, Hazaribagh, Khunti, Latehar, Lohardaga, Palamu, Ranchi, Simdega West, Singhbhum
• Maharashtra: Gadchiroli, Gondia
• Odisha: Koraput, Malkangiri
• Telangana: Bhadradri, Kothagudem^[78]

The Naxalites operate in 60 districts in India, mainly in the states of Odisha (5 affected districts), Jharkhand (14 affected districts), Bihar (10 affected districts),^[79] Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh (ten affected districts), Madhya Pradesh (8 affected districts), Maharashtra (2 affected districts) and West Bengal (8 affected district).^[34] In West Bengal areas west of Howrah are affected by the insurgency.^[80] Chhattisgarh is the epicentre of the conflict (2007).^[81]

Areas governed by the elected Communist Party of India (Marxist) in India such as West Bengal, specifically those of Jangalmahal and Lalgarh, are some of the worst affected by anti-state violence by Maoist groups who cite the accumulation of unaccounted-for wealth in the hands of CPI-M leaders and specific failure to counter problems they were elected to address such as caste discrimination and poverty.

There is a correlation between areas with extensive coal resources and impact of the insurgency.^[82] Naxalites conduct detailed socio-economic surveys before starting operations in a target area.^[21] It is claimed that the insurgents extort 14 billion Indian rupees (more than $US300 million).^[15]

In Chhattisgarh, Salwa Judum, an anti-insurgency operation which was aimed at countering the naxalite violence in the region was launched in 2005. The militia consisting of local tribal youth received support and training from the Chhattisgarh state government.^[83][84] The state^[85][86] came under fire from pro-Maoist activist groups^[87] for "atrocities and abuse against women",^[88] employing child soldiers,^[89][90] and looting and destruction of property,^[91] allegations rejected by a fact finding commission of the National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC) in 2008. The commission, which had been appointed by the Supreme Court of India, determined that the Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction by tribals against Maoist atrocities perpetrated against them.^[92][93][94]

On 5 July 2011, the Supreme Court of India declared the militia to be illegal and unconstitutional, and ordered its disbanding. The Court directed the Chhattisgarh government to recover all the firearms, ammunition and accessories. In the court's judgement, the use of Salwa Judum by the government for anti-Naxal operations was criticised for its violations of human rights and for employing poorly trained youth for counter-insurgency roles. The Supreme Court of India, also ordered the government to investigate all instances of alleged criminal activities of Salwa Judum.^[95]

In Bihar, 23 districts were affected by Naxalim. Of these, Home Ministry declared 7 to be Naxal-free in 2019^[96] and 6 more were declared Naxal-free in 2021, which left only 10 naxal-affected districts as of August 2021.^[79] The Ranvir Sena, a paramilitary group of the upper-caste landlords, has been known for fighting against Naxalites and Maoists.^[97]

In Odisha, the number of districts affected by Maoist activities has been reduced from 17 to 9, as claimed by the Director General of Police (DGP), Prakash Mishra on 30 December 2012.

Similar paramilitary groups have emerged in Andhra Pradesh during the last decade. Some of these groups are Fear Vikas, Green Tigers, Nalladandu, Red Tigers, Tirumala Tigers, Palnadu Tigers, Kakatiya Cobras, Narsa Cobras, Nallamalla Nallatrachu (Cobras) and Kranthi Sena. Civil liberties activists were murdered by the Nayeem gang in 1998 and 2000.^[98] On 24 August 2005, members of the Narsi Cobras killed an individual rights activist and schoolteacher in Mahbubnagar district.^[99]

Public statements on the insurgency[]

In 2006, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called the Naxalites the "single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country". In June 2011, he said, "Development is the master remedy to win over people", adding that the government was "strengthening the development work in the 60 Maoist-affected districts.^[100]

In 2010 the Indian government's Home Secretary, Gopal Krishna Pillai, acknowledged that there are legitimate grievances regarding local people's access to forest land and produce and the distribution of benefits from mining and hydro power developments,^[101] but claims that the Naxalites' long-term goal is to establish an Indian communist state. He said the government decided to tackle the Naxalites head-on, and take back much of the lost areas.

In 2011, Indian police accused the Chinese government of providing sanctuary to the movement's leaders, and accused Pakistani ISI of providing financial support.^[102]

In 2018, A senior home ministry official says the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government sought to stem insurgency by earmarking development funds for revolt-hit areas and improving policing. “One of the major initiatives of the government was clearing implementation of a Rs 25,060 crore umbrella scheme to modernise central and state police forces over the next three years,” the official said.[3]

Timeline[]

2002[]

The People's War Group (PWG) intensified its attacks against politicians, police officers, and land and business owners in response to a July ban imposed on the group by the Andhra Pradesh government. The government responded by tightening security, allegedly ordering attacks on suspected PWG members by state police and the "Green Tigers". Police forces continued to have virtual impunity for the killing of PWG rebels during police encounters. The Maoist Communist Center rebels intensified their armed campaign against Indian security forces following the killing of their leader by police in December. An estimated 140 people were killed in fighting between the PWG and government forces throughout the year. According to government reports, 482 people have died during the conflict in 2002.

2004[]

Sporadic, low-intensity fighting between the PWG and government forces continued for most of the year. Attacks on police and TDP party officials, believed to be carried out by the PWG, accounted for most major incidents and deaths. A three-month cease-fire, announced in late June, led to failed negotiations between the government and the PWG. A few days into the cease-fire, an attack attributed to the PWG placed the cease-fire in jeopardy. More than 500 people were killed in sporadic, low-intensity fighting, a reduction from previous years. Most victims were members of the police forces or the Telugu Desam Party (a regional political party).

2005[]

Violent clashes between Maoist rebels and state security forces and paramilitary groups increased following the breakdown of peace talks between the PWG and the state government of Andhra Pradesh. Rebels continued to employ a wide range of low-intensity guerrilla tactics against government institutions, officials, security forces and paramilitary groups. For the first time in recent years, Maoist rebels launched two large scale attacks against urban government targets. Fighting was reported in 12 states covering most of south, central and north India with the exception of India's northeast and northwest. More than 700 people were reported killed this year in violent clashes. Over one-third of those killed were civilians.

2006[]

Maoist attacks continued, primarily on government and police targets. Civilians were also impacted by landmine attacks affecting railway cars and truck convoys. Clashes between state police and rebels also resulted in deaths of members of both parties, and civilians that were caught in the firing. Fighting differs from state to state, depending on security and police force responses. In the state of Andhra Pradesh, security forces have been somewhat successful in maintaining control and combating Maoist rebels. The other state that is most affected, Chhattisgarh, has seen an increase in violence between Maoist rebels and villagers who are supported by the government. In 2006, 500 to 750 people were estimated killed, fewer than half Naxalites, and approximately one-third civilians.

2007[]

Fighting continued between Naxalite Maoists and government security forces throughout the year. The majority of hostilities took place in Chhattisgarh, which turned especially deadly when over 400 Naxalites attacked a Chhattisgarh police station, seizing arms and killing dozens.

In November 2007, reports emerged that anti-SEZ (Special Economic Zone) movements such as the Bhoomi Uchched Pratirodh Committee in Nandigram in West Bengal, which arose after the land appropriation and human displacement following the SEZ Act of 2005, have joined forces with the Naxalites since February to keep the police out.^[103] Recently, police found weapons belonging to Maoists near Nandigram. Civilians were forced to choose between joining the Maoist insurgence or supporting the Salwa Judum and face coercion from both sides. According to news reports, this conflict resulted in 650 deaths during 2007; of these 240 were civilians, 218 security personnel and 192 militants.

2008[]

Civilians were most impacted by the ongoing fighting between Maoist rebels and government security forces. Of the 16 states affected by this conflict, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand were the most impacted. One positive note for Chhattisgarh was that fatalities, although still high, were significantly down from 2007. Similarly, Andhra Pradesh, the state with the most Maoist activity a few years ago, has improved security with a corresponding drop in fatality rates. Unfortunately, as conditions have improved in Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh, the Maoist forces seem to have shifted their operations to the state of Orissa where conditions have worsened. South Asia Terrorism Portal's fatality count across the six states that saw the majority of the fighting (Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, and Andhra Pradesh) was 794. This included 399 civilians, 221 security force personnel and 174 insurgents.

2009[]

In 2009, Naxalites were active across approximately 180 districts in ten states of India.^[24]

In September 2009, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh admitted that the Maoists had growing appeal among a large section of Indian society, including tribal communities, the rural poor as well as sections of the intelligentsia and the youth. He added that "Dealing with left-wing extremism requires a nuanced strategy – a holistic approach. It cannot be treated simply as a law and order problem." In the first half of 2009, 56 Maoist attacks were reported.^[104] The South Asia Terrorism Portal reported 998 killed in the conflict: 392 civilians, 312 security forces and 294 rebels.

2010[]

During February 2010, the Silda camp attack killed 24 paramilitary personnel of the Eastern Frontier Rifles in an operation the guerillas stated was the beginning of "", the Maoist answer to the government "Operation Green Hunt" that was recently launched against them.^[105] According to Crisis Watch and various news sources, between 500 and 600 people were killed this year. Of those killed, approximately 366 were civilians, 188 were government troops (including police) and 27 were Naxalites. According to South Asia Terrorism Portal and government sources, over 1,000 deaths occurred in the conflict this year. This includes 277 security forces, 277 Naxalites, and more than 600 civilian.

On 6 April 2010, Naxalite rebels killed 76, consisting of 74 paramilitary personnel of the CRPF and two policemen. Fifty others were wounded in the series of attacks on security convoys in Dantewada district in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh.^[106] The attack resulted in the biggest loss of life security forces have suffered since launching a large-scale offensive against the rebels.^[106] On 17 May, a Naxalite landmine destroyed a bus in Dantewada district, killing up to 44 people including several Special Police Officers (SPOs) and civilians.^[107]

On 17 May 2010, Naxals blew up a bus on Dantewda–Sukhma road in Chhattisgarh, killing 15 policemen and 20 civilians. In the third major attack by Naxals on 29 June, at least 26 personnel of the CRPF were killed in Narayanpur district of Chhattisgarh.

On 28 May 2010, the derailment of a Kolkata–Mumbai night train killed at least 150 persons. Police alleged that Maoists had caused the derailment by removing a short (46 cm or 1½ft) piece of track, but the Maoists denied this.^[108]

On 29 June 2010, at least 26 policemen are killed in a Maoist attack in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh.^[109]

On 29 August 2010, a joint team of BSF and district police was attacked by the rebels in Bhuski village (Chhattisgarh) under Durg Kondal police station in the district while they were conducting routine search operations in the wee hours. Following the attack, the forces retaliated and in the action they lost five security personnel, including three BSF jawans.^[110]

On 29–30 August 2010, rebels ambushed a joint paramilitary-police team in Bihar, killing 10, wounding 10 more, taking 4 prisoners and robbing more than 35 automatic rifles from the state forces.^[111][112] The Naxalites later freed 3 of the policemen after Naxal leader Kishenji met with worried family members.^[113]

On 12 September 2010, Naxalites killed 3 policemen and took 4 more hostage in an ambush in Chhattisgarh. The 4 policemen were later released without conditions after Naxal leaders listened to the appeals of family members. The freed policemen also promised the Naxals to never take up arms against the insurgency again.^[114][115]

On 5 October 2010, rebels killed 4 Police officers as they were on their way to a market in Maharashtra.^[116]

On 7 October 2010, Naxalites attempted derailment of Triveni express, a train of Singrauli-Bareilly route, by removing 4 fishplates and 42 sleeper clips.^[117][118]

On 8 October 2010, Naxalites triggered a landmine in the border area between Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra. The attack killed 3 Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) jawans, wounded 2 more and destroyed a military jeep.^[119]

2011[]

During May 2011, Naxalites killed and dismembered ten policemen, including one senior officer in the Gariyaband, Chhattisgarh area on the border with Orissa.^[120] In June 2011, the total fatalities of both the police and the paramilitary was 43.^[121]

On 21 July 2011, Maoist rebels in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh blew up a bridge, killing four people and wounding five others. The attack happened when the Congress party chief of the state, Nandkumar Patel, was returning from a party function.^[122]

Despite the continued violence in 2011, the most recent central government campaign to contain and reduce the militant Naxalite presence appears to be having some success, the 2011 toll of 447 civilians and 142 security personnel killed having been nearly 50% lower than the 2010 toll. Some states experiencing this sharp reduction in Naxalite hostilities, such as Madhya Pradesh, attribute their success to their use of IAP funds for rural development.^[123]

2012[]

In mid-March, Maoist rebels kidnapped two Italians in Orissa. They later released one, while the government of Orissa negotiated for the release of the second. The Maoists released the second hostage in the middle of April. The Member of the Legislative Assembly(MLA) of Laxmipur constituency (Orissa), Jhin Hikka, was abducted by the Maoists in March, who demand the release of 30 Maoist cadres (presently in jail) in exchange for the freedom of the MLA. The Orissa Government is negotiating with the cadres with the help of arbitrators to free the MLA.^[124]

On 27 March 2012, an explosion blamed on Maoists killed 15 Indian policemen in Maharashtra.^[124]

2013[]

The 2013 Naxal attack in Darbha valley resulted in the deaths of around 24 Indian National Congress leaders including the former state minister Mahendra Karma and the Chhattisgarh Congress chief Nand Kumar Patel.^[36]

2014[]

• 28 February 2014: 6 police personnel, including a SHO, killed in Maoist attack in Chhattisgarh.^[125]
• 11 March 2014: 2014 Chhattisgarh attack: 15 security personnel and 1 Civilian were killed in Chhattisgarh Naxal attack in Tongpal village, close to the Darbha Ghat area, of Sukma district in south Chhattisgarh, while they were engaged in a road opening exercise in the area.^[126][127]
• 11 May 2014: 7 police commandos killed in a Maoists landmine blast in the forests of Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra.^[128]
• Four (CAF) Jawans were killed in a Maoist ambush near Kirandul, Dantewada, Chhattisgarh.^[129]
• 1 December 2014 Monday killed 14 CRPF personnel and 12 injured in south Chhattisgarh's Sukma district^[130]

2015[]

• 11 April 2015 : 7 Special Task Force (STF) personnel were killed in a Maoist ambush near Kankerlanka, Sukma, *Chhattisgarh.[74]^{[citation needed]}
• 12 April 2015 : 1 BSF Jawan was killed in a Maoist attack near Bande, Kanker, Chhattisgarh.[75]^{[citation needed]}
• 13 April 2015 : 5 Chhattisgarh Armed Force (CAF) Jawans were killed in a Maoist ambush near Kirandul, Dantewada, Chhattisgarh.[76]^{[citation needed]}

2016[]

• 24 October 2016 : 24 Naxalites were killed by Andhra Pradesh Greyhounds forces in encounter that took place in the cut-off area of remote Chitrakonda on Andhra-Odisha border.^[131]
• On November, 2016, three Naxalites were killed near Karulai in an encounter with Kerala police. Naxalite leader Kappu Devaraj from Andhra Pradesh is included in the list of killed in the incident.^[132]
• Late November: In Jharkhand, six Naxalites were killed in a gun battle with Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) commandos. The CRPF recovered 600 bullets of various calibre, about 12 IEDs, an INSAS rifle, an SLR, a carbine and three other guns.^[133]

2017[]

• 22 March 2017: 6 suspected Maoists were killed in a gunfight with security forces in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh
• 24 April 2017: 2017 Sukma attack - 25 CRPF officers were killed in encounter with 300 Naxals. The encounter with 74 battalion of CRPF was reported from Kala Pathar near Chintagufa in Sukma District of Chhattisgarh.^[134]

2018[]

• 13 March 2018: 2018 Sukma attack: 9 CRPF personnel were killed in Sukma, Chhattisgarh after their mine protected vehicle (MPV) was blown up by Maoists.^[135]
• 22 March 2018: At least 37 Naxalites were killed by police in a four-hour gun battle on the border between Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh.^[136]
• 24 April 2018: 34 militants were killed by Indian authorities in central India.^[137]
• 23 September 2018: Araku MLA Kideri Sarveswara rao and ex-MLA Siveri Soma gunned down by Maoists.[4]

2019[]

• 8 March 2019 - 1 Naxal leader was killed in an encounter with the Kerala police at a Wayanad resort.^[138]
• 1 May 2019: 2019 Gadchiroli Naxal Attack: 16 policemen, including a driver, killed in an IED blast carried out by Naxalite's in Gadchiroli, Maharashtra. Naxals targeted an anti-Naxal operations team.^[139]
• 28 October 2019- Kerala Police's elite commando team "Thunderbolt" gunned down 3 maoists in an encounter in the Attappadi hills region of Palakkad. One remaining member of the maoists group was killed a day later when the police team went to inspect the encounter site, following an attack on the team.^[140]
• 23 November 2019 - Naxals opened fire on a patrol van killing an ASI and three home guard Jawans in Latehar, Jharkhand.

2020[]

• 8 February 2020: 2 Cobra Commandos were killed in an attack by Naxals in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh.^[141]
• 21 March 2020: 23 Maoists and 17 CRPF personnel were killed in an attack in Sukma, Chhattisgarh. 15 CRPF members were injured.^[142][143]
• 21 July 2020: In an act that was seen as a departure from the norm, Dantewada villagers filed police complaints against 7 known Naxals for a brutal assault on villagers.
• 20 August 2020: Another FIR was lodged over an incident that had occurred in Chikpal a day earlier. It is said 10 villagers, including a 12-year-old girl, were assaulted by Maoists. Their medical reports said they had bruises on their backs and above thighs.^[144]
• 28 November 2020: 1 Cobra Commando was killed and 9 were injured in an IED attack by Naxals in Sukma.^[145][146]

2021[]

• 23 March 2021: 5 security personnel were killed when a bus carrying over 20 security personnel was attacked by Naxals using an IED in Narayanpur district of Chhattisgarh. At least 13 security personnel were injured in the attack.^{[147][148][149]}
• 3 April 2021: During a raid on a Maoist hideout in the forests of Bijapur district in Chhattisgarh state, 30 security personnel were killed, and at least 31 others were wounded, in an hours-long gun battle with Naxal rebels, who fought against the security forces with automatic weapons and grenades. The body of one rebel was found, and at least 20 security personnel were reported missing.^[150][151]

Causes[]

According to Maoist sympathisers, the Indian Constitution "ratified colonial policy and made the state custodian of tribal homelands", turning tribal populations into squatters on their own land and denied them their traditional rights to forest produce.^[152] These Naxalite conflicts began in the late 1960s with the prolonged failure of the Indian government to implement constitutional reforms to provide for limited tribal autonomy with respect to natural resources on their lands, e.g. pharmaceutical and mining, as well as pass 'land ceiling laws', limiting the land to be possessed by landlords and distribution of excess land to landless farmers and labourers.^[153] In Scheduled Tribes [ST] areas, disputes related to illegal alienation of ST land to non-tribal people, still common, gave rise to the Naxalite movement.^[154]

Tribal participation in Naxalite movements[]

Tribal communities are likely to participate in Naxalism to push back against structural violence by the state, including land theft for purposes of mineral extraction.^[155] Impoverished areas with no electricity, running water, or healthcare provided by the state may accept social services from Naxalite groups, and give their support to the Naxal cause in return.^[156] Some argue that the state's absence allowed for Naxalites to become the legitimate authority in these areas by performing state-like functions, including enacting policies of redistribution and building infrastructure for irrigation.^[157] Healthcare initiatives such as malaria vaccination drives and medical units in areas without doctors or hospitals have also been documented.^[158][159] Although Naxalite groups engage in coercion to grow membership, the Adivasi experience of poverty, when contrasted with the state's economic growth, can create an appeal for Naxal ideology and incentivize tribal communities to join Naxal movements out of "moral solidarity".^[156]

Recruitment and financial base[]

In terms of recruitment, the Naxalites focus heavily on the idea of a revolutionary personality, and in the early years of the movement, Charu Majumdar expressed how this type of persona is necessary for maintaining and establishing loyalty among the Naxalites.^[160] According to Majumdar, he believed the essential characteristics of a recruit must be selflessness and the ability to self-sacrifice, and in order to produce such a specific personality, the organization began to recruit students and youth.^[160] In addition to entrenching loyalty and a revolutionary personality within these new insurgents, Naxalites chose the youth due to other factors. The organization selected the youth because these students represented the educated section of Indian society, and the Naxalites felt it necessary to include educated insurgents because these recruits would then be crucial in the duty of spreading the communist teachings of Mao Zedong.^[160] In order to expand their base, the movement relied on these students to spread communist philosophy to the uneducated rural and working class communities.^[160] Majumdar believed it necessary to recruit students and youth who were able to integrate themselves with the peasantry and working classes, and by living and working in similar conditions to these lower-class communities, the recruits are able to carry the communist teachings of Mao Zedong to villages and urban centers.^[160]

The financial base of the Naxalites is diverse because the organization finances itself from a series of sources. The mining industry is known to be a profitable financial source for the Naxalites, as they tend to tax about 3% of the profits from each mining company that operates in the areas under Naxal control. In order to continue mining operations, these firms also pay the Naxalites for "protection" services which allows miners to work without having to worry about Naxalite attacks.^[161] The organization also funds itself through the drug trade, where it cultivates drugs in areas of Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, and Bihar.^[162] Drugs such as marijuana and opium are distributed throughout the country by middlemen who work on behalf of the Naxalites.^[162] The drug trade is extremely profitable for the movement, as about 40% of Naxal funding comes through the cultivation and distribution of opium.^[162]

Action by the state[]

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Soni Sori, an Indian activist and political leader, went on a hunger strike after being denied access to visit Hidme's district or her family members. She has been a vocal voice against instances of gender-related violence. The Delhi Police's Crime Branch for Chhattisgarh arrested her in 2011 on charges of acting as a conduit for Maoists.[5]

In May 2016, three Naxals were gunned down in an encounter with security forces in Chhattisgarh's insurgency-hit Bastar region in May. They were identified as LOS (local organisation squad) ‘commander’ of Darbha ‘division by the police.

In June 2016, Madkam Hidme, an Adivasi woman from the Sukma district, was found dead with multiple injuries, allegedly in a Naxal uniform and a gun next to her. The police held that she was a member of Naxal Platoon 8 where she was killed in a police encounter. Her family members said that Hidme was dragged out of her home by men dressed in police uniforms and beaten up by them. Hidme's mother was apparently hit until she was knocked out. Hidme's body was returned under plastic, hours later, and reportedly displayed signs of a brutal rape. A protest took place outside the Chhattisgarh Tourism Board office in the city of Kolkata, where activists demanded justice. Hidme's mother also filed a petition with the Chhattisgarh High Court pushing for an inquiry into the case. The court finally ordered the exhumation of the victim's body, which was apparently buried with salt and sand to conceal evidence of the torture inflicted.

Casualties[]

The first combat deaths of the insurgency were in 1980. Around 1,100 people are known to have died during 2009. The number includes 600 civilians, 300 security personnel and 200 rebels.^[163]

There were more than 40,000 displaced people in 2006.^[164]

According to the Institute of Peace and Conflict studies, Naxal groups have recruited children in different capacities and exposed them to injury and death. However the same accusation has been levelled at the state-sponsored Salwa Judum anti-Maoist group, and Special Police officers (SPOs) assisting the government security forces.^[165] Seven personnel of Special Task Force (STF) were killed and eleven others injured in an encounter with outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist) rebels at a village near Chhattisgarh's Bastar region on Saturday.

Additional director general of police (anti-Naxal operations) Rajinder Kuamr Vij said that the encounter took place at Pidmal village between Dornapal and Chintagufa when the rebels tried to attack the security personnel. The forces retaliated leading to a fierce encounter during which seven security personnel died and eleven others injured.^[166] The team of 49 STF men which ventured into the Maoists’ liberated zone on Saturday morning, had reportedly not informed senior police officers based in Bastar and Sukma before embarking on an operation which eventually proved “suicidal.” Seven personnel, including the Platoon Commander, Shankara Rao, were gunned down by the Maoists.^[167]

Deaths related to violence (up to 2018)[]

Period	Civilians	Security forces	Insurgents	Total per period
1996	N/A	N/A	N/A	156
1997	202	44	102	348
1998	118	42	110	270
1999	502	96	261	859
2000	452	98	254	804
2001	439	125	182	746
2002	382	100	141	623
2003	410	105	216	731
2004	466	100	87	653
2005	281–524	150–153	225–286	717–902
2006	266–521	128–157	274–343	737–952
2007	240–460	218–236	141–192	650–837
2008	220–490	214–231	199–214	648–920
2009	391–591	312–317	220–294	997–1,128
2010	626–720	277–285	172–277	1,177–1,180
2011	275–469	128–142	99–199	602–710
2012	146–301	104–114	74–117	367–489
2013	159–282	111–115	100–151	421–497
2014	128–222	87–88	63–99	314–373
2015	93–171	57–58	89–101	251–318
2016	123–213	65–66	222–244	433–500
2017	109	74	150	333[168]
2018	9	12	21	40[169]
Total	6,035–8,051	2,277–3,440	3,402–4,041	12,877–14,369[18][19][169]

According to the BBC, more than 6,000 people have died during the rebels' 20-year fight between 1990 and 2010.^[170] Al Jazeera put the death toll at more than 10,000 between 1980 and 2011.^[171]

The above displayed statistics estimate that more than 13,000 people have been killed since 1996.

To enforce their control over the population, the Maoists have convened kangaroo courts to mete out summary justice, normally death, beatings, or exile.^[172]

References[]

Further reading and viewing[]

• Mukherjee, Shivaji (2021). Colonial Institutions and Civil War: Indirect Rule and Maoist Insurgency in India. Cambridge University Press.
• Verghese, A. (2016). "British Rule and Tribal Revolts in India: The curious case of Bastar." Modern Asian Studies, 50(5), 1619-1644.

• Data on Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency fatalities in India Institute for Conflict Management (South Asia), SATP
• Walking With The Comrades, An extended essay by Arundhati Roy on her interactions with naxalites
• The political economy of the Maoist conflict in India : an empirical analysis, Joseph Gomes (2012), University of Madrid, Spain
• Hearts and mines: A district-level analysis of the Maoist conflict in India, Kristian Hoelscher et al., University of Oslo, Norway, doi:10.1177/2233865912447022
• Targets of Violence: Evidence from India’s Naxalite Conflict Oliver Vanden Eynde (2013), Paris School of Economics
• Living on the edge of a disappearing world, 16 June 2011 14:56 IST, rediff.com
• https://www.civilserviceindia.com/current-affairs/articles/naxal-insurgency-in-india.html
• List of Naxalite and Maoist groups in India
• Separatist movements of India
• Walking with the Comrades
• India’s Naxalite Insurgency: History, Trajectory, and Implications for U.S.-India Security Cooperation on Domestic Counterinsurgency by Thomas F. Lynch III - Institute for National Strategic Studies.