Hindu Shahis

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Hindu Shahis
c. 822 CE–1026 CE
Some of the earliest coinage of the Hindu Shahis. Obverse: Recumbent bull, with Nagari legend: Sri Spalapati Reverse: horserider with corrupted Bactrian script: ςρι ςπaλaπaτι Sri Spalapati i.e. "Lord Commander-in-chief".[1]
HINDU SHAHIS SAFFARIDS SAMANIDS ABBASID CALIPHATE BYZANTINE EMPIRE GUJARA- PRATIHARA PALA EMPIRE UTPALAS Approximate location of the Hindu Shahis
Samarkand Herat SAFFARIDS/ SAMANIDS/ GHAZNAVIDS Balkh HINDU SHAHIS Kandahar Ghazni Kabul Hund UTPALAS PALAS Lahore Bost Nandana Merv KHUDAHS Bukhara AFSHINS Kabul, first capital, with Hund and Lahore, next capitals of the Hindu Shahis.[2]
Capital	Kabul (850–870) Udabhandapura (870–1001) Lahore (1001–1026) [3]
Religion	Hinduism
Government	Monarchy
Maharaja, Maharajadhiraja
Historical era	Early Middle Ages
• Established	c. 822 CE
• Disestablished	1026 CE
Preceded by Succeeded by Turk Shahi Saffarid Dynasty Samanid Dynasty Ghaznavids
Today part of	Afghanistan Pakistan India

The Hindu Shahis (also known as Hindūshāhs, Odi Shahis, Uḍi Śāhis or Brahman Shahis,^[4] 822–1026 CE) were a dynasty that held sway over the Kabul Valley, Gandhara and western Punjab during the early medieval period in the Indian subcontinent. Details regarding past rulers have been assembled from chronicles, coins and stone inscriptions as no consolidated account of their history is available.

Scholarship[]

Scholarship on Hindu Shahis^[a] remain scarce.^[6]

Colonial scholars—James Prinsep, Alexander Cunningham, Henry Miers Elliot, Edward Thomas et al.—had published on the Hindu Shahis, primarily from a numismatic perspective.^[7] The first comprehensive volume on the subject came in 1972 by Yogendra Mishra, a Professor in the Department of History of Patna University; he exploited the Rajatarangini meticulously but lacked in numismatics and paleography.^[8] The next year, Deena Bandhu Pandey—Professor of Art History at Banaras Hindu University—published his doctoral dissertation but his handling of Muslim sources, coins etc. were laden with errors, primarily stemming from an exclusive dependance upon English translations of Arabic/Persian chronicles.^[9] Both of these works are considered outdated and inaccurate, at large.^[6]

In 1979, Abdur Rehman received his PhD from Australian National University on "history, archaeology, coinage, and paleography" of the Turk Shahis and Hindu Shahis under the supervision of Arthur Llewellyn Basham.^[6][10] He has since published on the subject extensively and is considered to be an authority on the subject.^[6][11] In 2010, Michael W. Meister—Chair Professor of Art-History at UPenn—published a monograph on the temple-architecture of Sahis; he had worked with Rahman on multiple field investigations.^[11] In 2017, Ijaz Khan received his PhD from the School of Ancient History and Archaeology of University of Leicester on "Settlement Archaeology of the Hindu Shahi[s] in North-Western Pakistan."^[6]

Sources[]

Literature[]

No literature survives from Hindu Shahi courts. Unlike the case of Turk Shahis, only fragmented information can be obtained from chronicles of neighboring powers — Kashmir and Ghaznavi.^[6][b] Of the former, Kalhana's Rajatarangini (1148-1149) is the only extant source.^[6] Of the latter, we have Tārīkh al-Hind by Al-Biruni (c. 1030; noted them to be ash-Shāhiyyat al-Hindiyya^[12]), Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī by Abu'l-Faḍl Bayhaqi (c. late 11th century),^[c] Zayn al-Akhbar by Abu Sa'id Gardezi, and Kitab-i Yamini by al-Utbi (c. 1020).^[6][3]

Coins[]

The Hindu Shahis issued silver coinage which was widely recognized in contemporary international exchanges, to the point that large quantities have been found not only in nearby Sindh,^[13] but also as far as northeastern Europe.^[14] They were first "discovered" by James Tod, a British orientalist in 1822.^[3] Hindu Shahi coins exhibit progressive debasement with time, with a regular decrease of silver content, allowing for the sequencing of the coinage.Empty citation (help)

Early issues do not mention personal names but only generic titles which do not (expectedly) match with available literature, creating issues.^[15]

Inscriptions and archaeology[]

A. R. Rahman of the Quaid-i-Azam University and Ahmad Hasan Dani did rudimentary field surveys in the late 1960s.^[6] Afterwards, the Italian Archaeological. Mission in Pakistan (IAMP) have extensively surveyed the regions in and around Swat.^[6] In 1996, Khan and Meister obtained a license from Dept. of Archaeology for an "integrated study of Hindu-Śāhi sites"; excavation at Kafir-kot and field-surveys of the Salt Range were engaged in with aid from University of Pennsylvania and .^[11]

Inscriptions remain scarce.^[16] Mostly found in Udabhanda, they either commemorate the commissioning of temples or are affixed at the base of idol-pedestals.^[16] Of the former kind—Mir Ali Inscription, Dewal Inscription, Dewai Inscription, Ratnamanjari Inscription, Veka Inscription, Hund Stone Inscription, Kamesvaridevi Inscription, Barikot Inscription, and Isvara Inscription—most are disfigured to various extents due to use as grinding stones in medieval times and decipherable only in parts.^[16][17] The latter kind is relatively abundant but only provides snippets of information.^[16]

The language is exclusively Sharda.^[18][d] A samvat is mentioned in all of them whose zero year is understood to correspond with 822 C.E. based on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription; it has been assumed to be initiated by Kallar on his coronation, as was typically the case for most Hindu dynasties of medieval India.^[3][19] Copper land grants etc. are yet to be documented.^[16]

Origins[]

Horseman on a coin of Spalapati, i.e. the "War-lord". The headgear has been interpreted as a turban.^[20]

The 10th century Arab historian Masudi mentioned that in his time the kings of Gandhara (Kandahar) were all called "" (which has been variously read Hajaj, J.haj or Ch'hach), while the area of Gandhara itself was called "country of the Rahbūt" (Rajputs).^[21] Elliot transliterated the character to "Hahaj" and Cunningham had it equated to the Janjua tribe/clan, who were held to be descendants of Juan-Juan Khaganate.^[22] Rahman doubts this theory and instead transliterates to "J.haj", an Arabicised form of Chhachh, which is even today the name of the region around the Hindu Shahi capital of Hund.^[22] In the 10th century, this region was occupied by the tribe of the Gakhars/ Khokhars, who formed a large part of the Hindu Shahi army according to the Persian historian Firishta.^[22] It would seem therefore that the Hindu Shahis were mainly Gakhars from the region of Chhachh in Gandhara.^[22]

Al-Biruni claimed that the Shahis were Brahmins.^[23] However this goes against Masudi's statement about Rajputs, as well as against Kalhana, whose contemporaneous Kshatriyas staked descent from the Hindu Shahis.^[3] Rahman speculates that either their Brahmin affiliation was a late rumor floated to justify their original usurpation of the throne, or they were fallen Brahmins, who ran afoul of caste-rules while discharging royal duties.^[3]

In a 2002 publication, Rahman accepted folklore among current inhabitants of Hund about pre-Muslim kings of the region belonging to the Hodi tribe, and proposed an Odi origin for the Hindu Shahi, namely the people of Oddiyana whose rulers were already known at the time of the Kushan Empire (3rd century CE) and are recorded as early as the 4th century BCE.^[24] He pointed to the famous Senvarma inscription as an evidence in support.^[24][e] Meister found Rahman's arguments to be convincing.^[26]

History[]

Establishment (822 CE): overthrow of the Turk Shahis[]

The Abbasids led by caliph Al-Ma'mun defeated the Kabul branch of the Turk Shahis in 815 CE, in what was essentially a reaction to Turk Shahi aggression: hoping to take advantage of the Great Abbasid Civil War (811-819 AD), the Turk Shahi ruler, named "Pati Dumi" in Arab sources, had invaded parts of Khorasan.^[27][28] Following their defeat, the Turk Shahis not only had to convert to Islam but also had to cede key cities and regions.^[29] Another campaign against the Gandhara branch seems to have followed soon, with the Caliphate reaching the Indus river and imposing a critical defeat.^{[citation needed]} A hefty annual tribute was to be paid in return for sovereignty rights to both territories.^[3][30][f]

Non-debased Spalapati series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 3.1 and 3.5 g with a uniform content of 70% silver. Obverse: Bull with trisula mark on the hump, with Nagari legend: Śri Spalapatideva "Lord Commander-in-Chief". Reverse: Horseman with a in Nagari to left and symbol to right.^[1]

The Turk Shahis ended up in a precarious state and c. 822 CE, the last ruler Lagaturman was disposed by one of his ministers, a Brahmin called Kallar.^[32] The sole description of events comes from Al-Biruni:^[g] Lagatarman's unbecoming manners had apparently led his subjects to lodge multiple complaints with Kallar, who had chanced upon a treasure trove and was rapidly purchasing his way to power.^[3] Kallar had the King imprisoned for correction and became the acting regent before usurping the throne permanently.^[3] The new "Hindu Shahi" dynasty was thus established in Gandhara and Kabul.^[3] The Zabulistan branch of the Turk Shahis (the Zunbils), was unaffected by Al-Ma'mun's raids and continued to rule for about two more decades, before getting embroiled in the conflict to eventual extinction.^[3]

None apart from Al-Biruni mentions Kallar; nothing is known about his rule, neither his territorial extent nor significant events of his reign,^[h] nor his regnal dates.^[35] It has been proposed by many historians that "Kallar" was a misreading of the name "Lalliya", a Hindu Shahi ruler who is mentioned by Kalhana in some detail but not by Al-Biruni, but Rahman rejects the hypothesis due to a total lack of chronological reconciliation.^[36] In 1848, Thomas proposed that coins bearing the obverse legend "Spalapati" ("Warlord") were minted by Kallar; Cunningham accepted Thomas' arguments some 50 years later.^[3] In 1906, Vincent Arthur Smith relied on Edward Clive Bayley's misreading of the corrupted remains of a Bactrian legend as Arabic numerals to propose that coins bearing the legends "Vakka" ("Lord") and "Samanta" ("Feudatory") were also minted by Kallar. He argued that the "Spalapati" series was minted for circulation in Persian regions of his territory, while the "Samanta" series were intended for Sanskrit-speaking regions.^[3] Mishra agreed with Smith that Kallar may have felt insecure about the legitimacy of his rule as long as the imprisoned Turk Shahi ruler Lagaturman was alive, and hence affirmed his claim to leadership by such epithets on his coinage.^[3]

Rather debased Samantadeva series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 2.9 and 3.9 g with a variable content of 60 to 70% silver. Obverse: Bull with trisula mark on the hump, with Nagari legend: Śri Samantadeva. Reverse: Horseman with bhī in Nagari to left and symbol to right.^[1]

Rahman rejects all these hypotheses: he argues that the horse-riding figures on the reverse of these coin series wore different headgears, suggesting that they were different rulers.^[37] Also, if Smith's argument was extrapolated, Bhimadeva, an anotherwise well documented ruler, should also be equated to yet another title of Kallar.^[3] The "Spalapati" series may actually have been minted by the last Turk Shahi rulers: "Pati Dumi", who was defeated by Ma'mun, is described by Al-Azraqi and Al-Biruni as an "Ispahbadh" (Persian: Spahbad "Warlord"), a Persian equivalent to the Sanskrit title "Spalapati" (Sanskrit: Samarapati "Warlord").^[38] According to Rehman, the Samanta series was then minted by later Hindu Shahi rulers, especially Samanta.^[39] He therefore believes that Kallar did not initiate any changes in the currency system of the last Turk Shahis.^[40] Numismatist and historian Michael Alram's publications in 2010 note of this view^[41]; however, as of 2021, Alram attributes the "Spalapati" series to Hindu Shahis.^[42]

Samanta[]

Al-Biruni notes that Samanta was the successor of Kallar, but their precise genealogical relationship is left undescribed.^[43] Like in the case of Kallar, there is a total lack of information on his rule or even his actual name.^[43] D.W. Macdowall argued that Al-Biruni telescoped him from the abundance of the Samanta series of coins; however, Rahman notes that if such were indeed the case, Al-Biruni should have followed a similar course for the equally abundant Vakka series.^[43][i] The Samanta series prototype was followed by all future Hindu Shahi rulers—and even the Muslim Ghaznavids, who succeeded the Hindu Shahis^[44]—, leading Thomas to deem him as the greatest of Hindu Shahis.^[43] Rahman speculates that the loss of Kabul occurred under Samanta, since Kallar would have been too old by that time.^[34]

Loss of Kabul to Ya'qub (870 CE)[]

In 863, the Zunbils fell on the crosshairs of Ya'qub—an upstart military adventurer, who had recently established the Saffarid Empire and declared himself to be the Emir—as his employer-turned-foe Salih Nasr took refuge with them; a year later their combined forces were decimated by his relatively smaller army at Rukhkhaj.^[45] The Zunbils had to convert to Islam in lieu of being allowed to rule as vassals and the son of the-then ruler, Kbr was imprisoned to Bust.^[46] 5 years hence, Kbr fled and recaptured Rukhkhaj before fleeing to Kabul—in the Hindu Shahi territory—thwarting Ya'qub's chase.^[47][j]

Saffarid coinage in Kabul, with Arabic

Statue of Yaqub bin Laith al-Saffar (Zabol, Iran), conqueror of the Kabul capital of the Hindu Shahis in 870 CE, and coinage of the Saffarid Governor of Kabul after the capture of the city, issued around 870 CE in Kabul on the Hindu Shahi model. Abassid dirham weight standard. Obverse: Recumbent bull with Nagari legend (Śrī Khūdarayakah, "The fortunate small Raja"), trisula mark on the hump of the bull. Reverse: horseman with (ma) in Nagari to left, عدل (’adl, "Justice") in Arabic to right.^[48]

Late 870, Ya'qub marched onto Kabul and had Kbr captured, chasing him across cities.^[49] The list of cities and the precise sequence varies widely among sources to the extent that it is possible to doubt whether he had ever conflicted with the Hindu Shahis if not for the widespread mention of his' bringing pagan idols and elephants from Kabul as a gift for the Caliphate.^[50] Samanta was made a prisoner and probably, never even reposed as a vassal.^[51]

"Khudarayaka" coinage[]

It is unknown what precise arrangements Ya'qub made for the governance of Kabul after his victory; we only have Tarikh-i Sistan noting that Kabul was under an unnamed Ya'qub governor as late as 878/879.^[51] Rahman speculates that this governor was some blood-relation of Samanta who was favorably inclined to Islam and went on to take the title of Khudarayaka (Small King) in minting the bilingual series of coins.^[52] Otherwise, Ya'qub himself would never proclaim himself with such lowly titles while later Hindu Shahis, who regained sovereignty won't mint in Arabic at all.^[53] Further, this series matches with the distinctly lower weight standard of the Arabic dirhem as introduced after ‘Abd al- Malik's currency reforms.^[53]

As has been the case with all previous rulers, there is a total lack of information including about his actual name or eventual fate.^[53] The unavailability of his coins in or around the Gandhara region probably points to his lack of control over those territories which had never borne the brunt of Ya'qub's expeditions — they were likely held by Samanta's relatives.^[53]

Recovery of Kabul and conflict with the Utpalas (c.900 CE)[]

Jawami ul-Hikayat remarks that the Logar Valley (close to Kabul) reverted to Hindu Shahis towards the end of Amr al-Layth's reign (901), successor to Ya'qub.^[54] So, the Hindu Shahis appear to have had regained their territories sometime between 879 and 901.^[3][55] Lalliya was described by Kalhana as a fearsome Hindu Shahi who commanded neighboring regions yet fell meekly to Kashmir. Thus, Rahman interprets Kalhana's description as an exaggeration of the qualities of the ruler who had won back independence.^[56] The capital shifted to Udabhanda probably because it was far from the Arabic frontier and easier to defend; however, a branch may have continued to rule from Kabul.^[3][55][k]

The Tarikh-i Sistan records two Indian "kings" — probably Toramana and Asata — to have taken advantage of Amr al-Layth's preoccupation with rebellions in Khorasan, by successfully raiding Ghazna c. 900 CE (probably the province of Zabulistan rather than the city itself), held by one governor named Fardaghan.^[57] However, the Jawami ul-Hikayat portrays a different story: Kamala, the "Rai of Hindustan" launched a retaliatory raid against Fardaghan engaging in desecration of temples but failed to win past the latter's ingenious use of propaganda to delay a faceoff until reinforcements arrived.^[58] Irrespective of the precise outcome, it is likely that both Toramana and Asata were Hindu Shahi governors operating under Lalliya, rather than kings in their own right; at least one was probably his son.^[59]

Kalhana further notes that Lalliya was a significant ally of Gujarati ruler Alakhana against the machinations of the Utpala dynasty, whose ruler Samkaravarman eventually led an invasion against the Hindu Shahi c. 902 CE.^[60] Though successful, Samkaravarman was killed by a stray arrow on his way back to Kashmir.^[60] A year later, the new Utpala king Gopalavarman re-invaded the Hindu Shahis to depose the alleged "pretender to the throne" (either Lalliya or Asata), and installed Lalliya's son Toramana with the new name of "Kamaluka".^[61]

Kamaluka[]

Nothing is known about the reign of the Hindu Shahi ruler Kamaluka, except that he was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva. Concurrent to his reign, the Saffarids rapidly lost their power to the Samanids.^[62] Sometime after 913 CE, this led to the rise of a friendly power in the Ghazna province, the Lawik dynasty, which flourished until 962 CE and engaged in marital ties with the Hindu Shahis.^[63] There are various speculations regarding the end date of Kamaluka's reign, ranging from 900 to 950.^[64] Some have argued for the early 900s, since his successor Bhimadeva minted coins of the Samanta series; however Raman found the argument to lack basis, since the coins of the Samanta series were even minted by Mahmud of Ghazni as late as the early 11th century.^[64]

Bhimadeva: confrontations with Alp-Tegin and loss of Kabul (964 CE)[]

Strongly debased Bhimadeva series — found near-exclusively in Afghanistan and weighs between 3.1 and 3.2 g. Obverse: Recumbent bull with legend Śri Bhīmadeva. Reverse: Horseman holding banner; na in Nagari to left; trace of symbol to right.^[1]

Mentionned as "Bhima" in Al-Biruni's list, and identified with the Śri Bhīmadeva coin series, Bhimadeva was perhaps the most accomplished ruler of the Hindu Shahis.^[3] In Rahman's opinion, his rise to power was concurrent with the growth of neighboring Hindu powers: Mahipala of the Pala Empire had mounted an invasion to adjacent regions, though it remains unclear whether he entered into a faceoff with the Hindu Shahis.^[65] At the same time, the Arabic frontiers were in a temporary state of disarray due to internal warfare.^[3] This situation might have guided a marital alliance between Bhimadeva and the ruling dynasty of Kashmir, who would henceforth serve as an all-weather-friend of the Hindu Shahis.^[66] Bhimadeva's granddaughter Didda was married off to Kshemagupta, then King of Kashmir, and a temple was commissioned in their honor.^[67] They had a daughter who, according to Kalhana, was married to Simharaja, a Lohara chieftain.^[66]

Circa 962 Alp-Tegin, a rebel Turkish chief of the Samanid Empire who had lost out in a succession dispute, chose to venture out of Khorasan into the south of the Hindu Kush and attack Kabu, allegedly vowing to wage a Holy War (Jihad) against the "infidels" of Hind.^[3][68] The city of Kabul was defended by "the son of Kabul Shah" who also obtained help from the neighboring Lawiks, but ended up being invested.^[3][68] The "son of Kabul Shah" fled to the territory of Abu Ali Lawik. One of the sons of Abu Ali Lawik was also captured in the conflict, but he was sent back with a message of peace.^[69][68] Lawik did not respond favorably and had to confront Tegin for the second time on the outskirts of Ghazna.^[69] After another defeat, he retreated to the city where he was besieged, and he finally had to surrender unconditionally.^[69]

Lawik managed to escape and received additional troops from Bhimadeva.^[70] Circa 963, their combined forces expelled Tegin's successor Abu Ishaq Ibrahim out of Ghazna (he returned to Bukhara) and reestablished Shahi and Lawik strongholds in Kabul and adjacent areas.^[71] This victory was commemorated in the Hund Slab Inscription (HSI):^[71]

Hund inscription of Jayapaladeva.^[3]

...To the north of the Indus, which is a mass of complete merit here on earth, there is (a city) by name Udabhandra, which has been made their home by learned men forming communities, just as Meru^{[disambiguation needed]} (was made their home) by the immortal (gods) and other (supernatural beings)...

...Therein dwelt the chief of kings, Bhīma, of terrible valour (or with valour like that of Bhīma, the legendary hero), by whom, having conquered his enemies' troops, the earth was protected...
...The king of that (country) is (now) Jayapaladeva, who, through his body, origin, and birth, has become the sole hero, whose very pure fame, having left heaven, has attained the eternal abode of Brahman....

— Excerpts of the Hund inscription of Jayapala (HSI), inscribed Year 146 (968 CE). Translation by Abdur Rehman.^[72]

However, the celebrations were short-lived.^[73] Ibrahim returned with Samanid aid in September 964 and forced Lawik to flee once again.^[73] Bhimadeva probably perished in this conflict or soon after.^[73] The cryptic comment in the Hund Slab Inscription about how he was burnt by Shiva's desire rather than by the enemy, probably references some form of ritualistic suicide.^[73]

A new dynasty?[]

Bhimadeva's successors would all have the surname of "Pala", and Muslim sources give hazy indications of a successional dispute, leading many to suggest that the same family was not ruling anymore.^[74] Rahman disagrees that there exist sufficient evidence in favor of such a hypothesis or conclusion.^[74]

Vijaypaladeva: feudatory or pretender[]

One Vijayapaladeva (r. 942 or 963) is obtained from the Ratnamanjari Inscription.^[17] Mentioned to be the "supreme sovereign" (Maharajadhiraja), he had a prince named "Candrapala".^[17] Rahman proposed Vijayapaladeva to have either belonged to the Kabul branch or be some Shahi feudatory.^[3] Khaw disagreed on the basis of his epithet and instead equates Vijayapaladeva with Thakkana Sahi, mentioned by Kalhana around same time.^[17][l] Noted to be of a "rebellious" character, Thakkana had to be invaded by Yaśodhara—a warlord acting under the instructions of Queen Didda—and captured.^[17] Thus, Khaw finds this identification to fit within the narrative of Muslim sources — Jayapala ascended only after this threat was neutralized.^[17]

Rise of the Ghaznavids (977 CE onward)[]

In 969, Ibn Hawqal noted that new taxes were imposed on residents of Kabul in addition to a "tribute", after Alp-Tegin's invasion.^[75] Alp-Tegin's successor Abu Ishaq Ibrahim had a short rule as the Samanid governor of Ghazna from September 963 to November 966, until Bilgetegin succeeded him and ruled for about nine years, before falling to death during his invasion of Gardiz, the last bastion of the Lawiks.^[76] His successor Piri turned out to be a drunkard whose oppressive rule led the citizens of Ghazna to request the return of the Lawik.^[76] The Lawik mounted yet another expedition with help from the son of Kabul Shah and met Muslim forces of Ghazni, Gardez, Bost, and Bamiyan in the area of Charkh.^[77]

Both breathed their last in the war, and the Shahis suffered a defeat despite numerical superiority.^[78] Sabuktigin became the undisputed leader of the Ghazni region, as he overthrew Piri shortly.^[79] The foundation stone of the Ghaznavid Empire was thus laid down, and thenceforth they would be in be a perpetual conflict with the Shahis until they disintegration.^[79]

Jayapala[]

The army of Jayapala, surprised by a snowstorm, meets disaster in the Hindu-Kush. 20th century illustration.^[80]

In 986–987, Jayapala marched towards Ghazni and met with Sabuktigin's forces at Ghuzak.^[81] The war remained largely inconclusive for days before a snow-storm turned the tide against the Shahis: Jayapala was forced to propose a peace treaty.^[82][m] Mahmud, son of Sabuktigin and a commander in his army, did not like the idea of a treaty and wished to inflict a decisive defeat, but had to concede when Jayapala threatened to incinerate all valuables.^[83] A war indemnity of one million Shahi dirhams and fifty war elephants was agreed upon and some frontier forts were to be ceded to the Ghaznavids.^[83] Accordingly, Jaypala made his way back with Ghaznavi commanders who were to take charge of the forts, while some of his relatives and officials were left with Sabuktigin as hostages.^[83] Once Jayapala reached into his own territories, he called off the treaty and threw the commanders into prison, probably hoping to force Sabuktigin into exchanging hostages.^[83]

Sabuktigin refused to believe that the treaty had been breached, but once it was established beyond doubt, he plundered the frontier town of Lamghan: temples were demolished and houses burnt down.^[84] In response, Jayapala entered into a coalition with unidentified Rajahs, and met with the Ghaznavids near Kindi.^[85] The Ghaznavids chose the tactic of breaching the enemy lines repeatedly using light attacks, followed by in all-out assault, which resulted in the Shahis being routed, having to flee beyond the Indus despite their overwhelming numerical superiority.^[86] The Shahis lost the entire span of territory up to Peshawar, and Sabuktigin installed his own tax-collectors; local tribes were ordained into Ghaznavid arms.^[87] However, it seems the Shahis won back Peshawar rather soon, during a long interlude in the Ghaznavid-Shahi conflict.^[87][n]

Circa 990–991, Mahmud would be imprisoned by his father Sabuktigin on grounds of fomenting a rebellion.^[87] Jayapala chose to leverage the rift in his favor: he promised to rescue Mahmud with his forces, marry off his daughter to him, and provide him with sufficient wealth and troops.^[88] Mahmud did not respond favorably: noting the Shahi to be a doggy infidel, he proclaimed his absolute devotion to Sabuktigin and pledged to attack Jayapala upon release.^[89]

Around the same time, Jayapala was challenged by Bharat, a Rajah of Lahore who wished to wrest control of Nandana, Jailam and .^[89] Anandapala, then Governor of Punjab, was ordered to intercept Bharat's forces and in the ensuing battle, Bharat was imprisoned and Lahore annexed; however the nobility of Lahore pleaded on behalf of their old King, who was reinstated as a feudatory after payment of tributes.^[90] About a year hence, Bharat's son Chandrak deposed him on the grounds of waging an ill-thought campaign against the Shahis, and became the new feudatory.^[91] For reasons which are not clear, c. 998-999 (eight years after the usurpation), Jayapala declared war against Lahore on the pretext of protecting his suzerain Bharat and dispatched Anandapala.^[91] Chandrak was ambushed and kidnapped around the battleground of Samutla, and Lahore was annexed by the Shahis.^[92] Rahman speculates that the Shahis were trying to balance their losses to the Ghaznavids using any pretext.^[91]

Also, in 998 Mahmud ascended the Ghaznavid throne at Ghazni, and went on an annexation spree.^[93] In the west, the Caliph of Baghdad was compelled to acknowledge him as a sovereign, just like the erstwhile Samanids.^{[citation needed]} The Ghaznavid frontier was united to an unprecedented degree, and Mahmud turned his eyes on the Shahis, resolving to invade their territories every year.^[93] In what was the last battle of his life, Jayapala met with Mahmud at Peshawar on 27 September 1001; one Shahi governor of Bardari province named Adira Afghan is held to have switched sides and aided in the safe passage of Mahmud's troops across Shahi provinces.^[94] Mahmud saw through Jayapala's tactics of delaying the conflict in the hope of receiving reinforcements and declared war immediately.^[95] Soon, the Shahis were in a state of disarray with Jayapala and fifteen of his relatives taken as prisoners.^[95] About one million Shahi forces were taken as slaves.^[96] The war-spoils awed contemporary chroniclers: the royal necklaces alone were valued at over six million Shahi dirhams.^[97] Mahmud continued his raid as far as Hund, as his forces chased fleeing troops and decimated pockets of resistance.^[96] Within a few months, the entire Shahi territory to the west of the Indus had submitted to Mahmud.^[96][o] Mahmud was on his way back to Ghazni by April 1002.^[96]

Muslim chroniclers differ about the means of release of Jayapala.^[96] Unsuri, a court-poet of Mahmud notes that he was sold in the slave market; Minhaj ad-din and al-Malik Isami adds a price of 80 dirhams/dinars.^[99] Others like al-Ansab note that Mahmud had rejected his request for pardon but allowed him to be free for a ransom of 2.5 million dirhams and 50 war-elephants around March 1002, which is more likely.^[100] Jayapala returned to Hund and immolated himself in a pyre after abdicating the throne in favor of Anandapala.^[101]

Anandapala: war and peace with Mahmud[]

GHAZNAVID
EMPIRE

GUJARA-
PRATIHARA

PALA EMPIRE

Ghazni

Mathura

Kannauj

Somnath

Lahore

Bost

Merv

KARA-KHANIDS

TRAKHANS

HINDU SHAHIS

GUGE

MARYUL

LOHARAS

The Hindu Shahis and neighbouring polities in the early 1000s, with maximum extent of Ghaznavid Empire raids in India, as far as Mathura, Somnath and Kannauj.

Anandapala ascended to the throne around April 1002.^[102] His capital city remains unknown but was likely Nandan.^[103] Anandapala commanded significant fame as a patron of scholars.^[104]

Circa April 1006, Mahmud requested him to consent his troops to pass through his territories to reach Daud, the ruler of Multan.^[105] Anandapala declined the request and stationed his troops on the banks of Indus to prevent crossing — an enraged Mahmud waged a cataclysmic war upon the Shahis and compelled the King to escape to Kashmir (via Sodhra) before eventually conquering Multan.^[106] These territories of "Hind" was left under the governorship of a certain Sukhapala, a neo-convert but a couple of years hence, Sukhapala renounced Islam (c. late 1006) and declared rebellion against the overlordship of Mahmud.^[107] Anandapala chose to make a space for himself at this juncture by promising to aid Mahmud in containing Turk rebellions; he did not want a ruler who had defeated him, to be defeated by another.^[108][p] It is unknown whether Anandapala's offer was taken up but Mahmud stalled his chase of Ilaq Khan and turned his attention to the Shahis — Sukhapala offered negligible resistance before fleeing into Kashmur but was captured, fined, and imprisoned to death.^[108] Anandapala seem to had been installed as a vassal.^[3]

Circa December 1008, Mahmud mounted an invasion of Hindu Shahis for reasons which are not clear.^[109] Anandapala sent a large army—probably, supplanted with neighboring troops—under the commandership of his son (Trilochanapala), who failed the original objective of preventing Mahmud's troops from crossing Indus and (hence) set out for the plains of Chaach as the battleground.^[109] The battle started after 40 days with Mahmud dispatching a unit of archers to lure out the Shahis; the strategy backfired and a subsequent charge of Gakhars put Anandapala in a commanding position.^[110] However, a rear-attack by Mahmud's personal guards caused the Shahi forces to become disorganized and eventually flee.^[111]

Mahmud chased the fugitive troops for months—seizing Nagarkot to collect his war-spoils, in the process—and took back a son of Anandapala.^[112] Governors were installed and Mahmud returned to Ghazni by June of the next year.^[3] This would be the last military conflict of Anandapala as the next year, Anandapala sent an embassy to Mahmud.^[113] The proposal of peace was accepted and in return, Hindu Shahis were to accept tributary status, provide (limited) military support, guarantee passage of troops, and remit an annual tribute.^[113] Mahmud send his own agents to oversee the enforcement of peace-treaty and within a year, normal trade relations had resumed.^[113]

The death of Anandapala is not recorded in any chronicle; however, it can be ascertained to be c. late 1010 - early 1011.^[114] He had entered into marital relations with Tunga, the prime-minister of Didda, then-ruler of Kashmir and had at least two sons.^[104] The fate of the son taken back to Ghazni remains unknown.^[3]

Trilochanapala and Bhimapala: overwhelming losses to Mahmud and disintegration[]

Al-Biruni hold Trilochanapala to have had a favorable attitude towards Muslim subjects unlike his father.^[104] He did not dishonor Anandapala's treaty but on Mahmud wishing to march towards Thanesar via Hindu Shahi territories, he proposed that the city be spared in lieu of a negotiated peace-treaty.^[115] Mahmud rejected the request and sacked Thanesar with an uneventful passage via Shahi territories.^[116] However, as a consequence or otherwise, Trilochanapala soon stopped paying the annual tributes to Mahmud and declared war.^[116]

Mahmud of Ghazni riding an elephant following his conquest in India.

In November 1013, Mahmud progressed towards Hind to contain Trilochanapala but failed to make across the snow-laden passes.^[117] Taking advantage of this delay, Trilochanapala tasked his son Bhimapala with arranging Shahi troops and went to Kashmir, receiving a battalion from Samgramaraja under Tunga.^[117] The face-off happened in the middle of next year.^[3] Bhimapala initially went about exploiting the local topography of a narrow mountain-pass to his favor and launched stinging guerilla attacks on Mahmud's troops—to the extent of being referred to by Uth'bi as "Bhima, the Fearless"—till he got confident of his numerical superiority and switched to open-warfare; in the mayhem that followed this tactical blunder, Shahis were routed and Bhima had to flee.^[118] The fortress at Nandana was sacked for war-spoils and a governor was installed while Mahmud went searching for Trilochanapala.^[119] Trilochanpala, in the meanwhile, had set up his base with Kashmiri forces at the banks of Poonch.^[120] An initial round of success against a Ghaznavid reconnaissance party contributed to Tunga's pride and he mounted a disastrous maneuver without consulting experienced Shahi generals, ensuring another crippling defeat coupled with a huge loss of territory.^[120] Rahman noted this campaign to be the death-blow for the Hindu Shahis — "it was no longer a question of whether but a question of when" the Shahis would perish.^[120]

From the outset of his rule, Trilochanapala had chose to expand into the Siwalik Hills to make up for the territories lost in his predecessors' conflicts with the Ghaznavids — this brought him into multiple conflicts with Chandar Rai of Sharwa.^[3] However, after the encounter with Mahmud, Trilochanapala had nowhere but the Siwaliks to retreat into and tabled a peace treaty, even offering his son to be married with the daughter of Chandar.^[121] The offer was accepted but Bhima was imprisoned when he went to bring the bride home and Chandar asked for reparations.^[122] This brought an end to Trilochanapala's imperial ambitions in the Lower Himalayas for the time being though stray conflicts continued.^[122]

When Mahmud sacked Sharwa while returning from his Kanauj campaign (c. 1017), Trilochanapala is noted to have taken refuge with Paramara Bhoja.^[123] Sometime soon, significant polities in Doab entered into treaties with one another and with the Hindu Shahis to ward off future invasions of a similar scale.^[124] Mahmud did not take kindly to these alliances and returned in October 1019.^[124] Trilochanapala's men were tasked by Vidyadhara of Chandela to prevent Mahmud's troops from crossing across the Ramganga (somewhere around Bulandshahr) and they took positions at the eastern bank but failed to execute the task.^[124] Subsequently, he planned to move away—probably, to join Vidyadhara's forces for the main faceoff—but a swift charge by Mahmud's troops inflicted yet another resounding defeat.^[125] Bulandshahr was sacked and two of his wives and daughters imprisoned.^[3] Trilochanapala tried to enter into a peace-treaty but in vain, causing him to flee to Vidyadhara.^[125] It is not known whether he made it to the camp but Vidyadhara is said to have deserted his posts by then.^[126]

In 1021^[q], Trilochanapala—then a ruler of little significance, in all probabilities—was assassinated by his mutinous Hindu troops for reasons unknown.^[126] Bhimapala—who must have escaped the Rais sometime in between—succeeded him and continued to rule till 1026; nothing is known about his rule or territories.^[127]

Aftermath[]

The long resistance of the Hindu Shahis against Muslim expansion may have contributed to the preservation of Indian culture and Hinduism, as "the militant process of conversion" to Islam in conquered lands, which had deeply affected the Near East and the Iranian world, already "was a thing of the past" in the 10th century CE.^[128]

Ghaznavid bilingual coinage of Mas'ud I of Ghazni (r. 1030-1040 CE), derived from Hindu Shahi designs, with the name of Mas'ud in Arabic.

Ādāb al-ḥarb—a manual of state-craft produced during the times of Iltutmish, which contains a host of unique information about the Ghaznavids—note that in 1040, one Sandbal marched towards Lahore seeking to utilize the imprisonment of Masʽud I and resulting political instability to his favor.^[129] The armies met at "Qadar Jur" and despite having a numerical superiority, Sandbal was assassinated and his troops had to flee.^[129] This Shahi scion seem to have been based around the Siwaliks — many contemporary Muslim chronicles do mention a Hindu triumvirate to have unsuccessfully attacked Ghaznavids around the same times but mention only two of the names, both of whom have been since confirmed to be petty Siwalik chieftains.^[129]

Some Shahis migrated into Kashmir and gained prominent positions in their court.^[130]

Art and Architecture[]

Temples[]

New temples were built inside fortresses while existing ones were extensively refurbished or repurposed.^[131] The Gandhar-Nagara style of architecture developed distinct formulations under the Hindu Shahis.^[131] Meister notes a typical Hindu Shahi temple to have two ground-level chambers embedded within a tower—leading to a minaret like appearance—with an ambulatory at the top, that is accessible by a stairwell.^[132]

Meiser dates construction of eight temples in the Nagara style to Hindu Shahis:^[r] one of the five temples at Kafir Kot (mid 9th c.), two temples at Amb (late 9th c. and 10th c.), one at Gumbat (10th c.), one at the Katas Raj complex (10th c.), two temples at Bilot (late 10th c.), and one at Nandana (early 11th c.; reuse of a sacred [Buddhist - ?] site).^[135][s] Besides, there were two sandstone temples at Malot and Shiv-Gangā (10th c.) which exhibited a blend of Nagara and Kashmiri architecture, bearing testimony to the cultural flows between the two polities.^[137]

Most of these structures are in a state of ruins and have fallen in disuse since time immemorial; except for Kafir Kot, excavations need to be carried out to understand the architectural grammar of Hindu Shahis in more detail.^[131]

Archaeological sites[]

Ekhamukhaling: linga with face of Shiva. 9th century Afghanistan. Art of the Hindu Shahi kingdom.^[138]

The archaeology of the Hindu Shahis remains unrecognized and poorly understood.^[139] Dani ascribed ruined forts to the Hindu Shahis at Pehur, Kamala, and Bata, but without detailed reasoning.^[140] Hund remains the main archaeological site.^[141] Fragmentary evidence is located across the Peshawar valley.^[142] Excavations by Rahman (and others) documented a Buddhist monastery at Barikot, which was repurposed to a Hindu Shahi fort.

Sculpture[]

Sculptures from the Hindu Shahi period are very scarce and any in-depth study is yet to be undertaken.

Society and Economy[]

Trisula symbol, on the rump of the bull in Hindu Shahi coinage.^[143]

Shaivism was practiced by the Hindu Shahis and likely, was also the predominant religion; Saura was practiced by some subjects, as were Buddhism and Islam.^{[144][145][17]}

Kabul exported cotton clothing and indigo.^[146] Silver was mined at Panjshir and smelted at Andarab.^[146]

See also[]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Hindu Shahis

• Pre-Ghaznavid History Of Punjab
• History of the Punjab
• History of Pakistan

Notes[]

References[]

Sources[]

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