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Fano (nationalist movement)

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For other uses, see Fano (disambiguation).

Fano (Amharic: ፋኖ), also FANO[1] or Fanno,[2] is an Amhara youth group in Ethiopia, perceived as either a protest group/nationalist movement or an armed militia.[3] Fano members are accused of participating in ethnic massacres, including that of 58 Qemant people in Metemma during 10–11 January 2019.[2] They are also accused of participating in the Mai Kadra massacre, which Amnesty International, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, and the Ethiopian Human Rights Council attributed to local Tigrayan youths,[4][5] and in the Humera massacre, during the 2020 Tigray conflict.[6][7] In March 2020, the leader of one of the groups called Fano, , stated that the Fano would not disarm until Benishangul-Gumuz Region's Metekel Zone and the Tigray Region districts of Welkait and Raya are placed under the control of Amhara Region.[8]

Creation

Fano is one of several groups of young people that developed in Ethiopia during the 2010s, which played a role in major political changes in Ethiopia. During 2019 to 2020, the groups gained in importance in the context of the political and administrative changes associated with the prime ministership of Abiy Ahmed, during which the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPDRF), dominated by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), lost control of federal political power. Qeerroo is an Oromo youth group, while Fano is Amharan.[3]

Fano played a major role in opposition to the TPLF.[1]

Structure and leadership

As of 28 March 2020, the Chairperson of Fano was Solomon Atanaw, according to .[8]

The news agency described Fano as a "loosely organised" youth organisation.[1]

Varying definitions

Fano is perceived by different media and human rights groups as either a protest group or a militia.[3] Amnesty International stated that a unit of the Amharan police special force wore insignia identifying members as Fano.[2] described Fano as an armed group that it would not disarm until demands about the return of land were met.[8] The Organization for World Peace described Fano in October 2020 as an "Amhara vigilante youth group" that saw itself as providing law and order that government was unable to provide.[9] Amharan militias are often described with the term neftenya, which is generally seen as derogatory.[10]

Massacres and armed conflicts

Fano units are accused of participating in the massacre of 58 Qemant people in Metemma during 10–11 January 2019, of the murder of a family in Azezo on 29 September 2019,[2] of involvement in an armed clash with regional and federal security forces on 19 March 2020 in Gondar and Dabat,[1][8] and of armed actions in Humera in November 2020 during the Tigray War.[6]

2019

10–11 January 2019

During the days leading to 10 January 2019, local militia and administrative officials supported by "an Amhara youth vigilante group" that Amnesty International identified as "Fanno" started building trenches and preparing to attack Qemant people in Metemma. From 15:00 on 10 January 2019 to 13:00 on 11 January, 58 Qemant people were killed in the massacre in Metemma using guns, grenades, stones and by burning houses. The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) in Metemma initially refused to intervene on the grounds that they didn't have orders to do so. The massacre terminated when the ENDF intervened on the afternoon of 11 January.[2]

On 29 September 2019, Fano killed and burnt four members of a family in Azezo in revenge for the killing of an Amhara youth. A cycle of vengeance attacks continued for several days. Fano went "home to home attacking Qemant residents".[2]

2020

19 March 2020

On 19 March 2020, clashes including gunfire took place between youths and regional security forces, supported by federal security forces, in Gondar and Dabat in the Amhara Region. The youths were Fano according to Andafta Media. Prosperity Party members in Amhara claimed that the youths were not related to Fano.[1]

On 28 March 2020, Fano Chairperson Solomon Atanaw stated that the attacks were started by the regional and federal security forces, including the use of heavy artillery. Atanaw said that death threats against Fano members had been made by telephone to Fano survivors of the clashes. Gondar city officials stated that Fano had killed and kidnapped people, confiscated property, freed prisoners, and stolen weapons from police stations. Atanaw claimed that Fano had contributed to peace by preventing an anti-government attack by Qimant.[8]

November 2020

Main article: Humera massacre

During the Tigray War in November 2020, a 54-year old refugee interviewed by The Guardian, Gush Tela from Humera, stated that he was beaten by federal security forces "until he was covered in blood and could not walk", and then transferred him to a Fano group, who freed him. Tela stated that the Fano were ordered to destroy Humera and "'finish' Tigrayans". Tela said that he witnessed a man "beheaded with machetes". Other refugees showed wounds that they attributed to "knife and machete attacks by Fano militia".[6]

Fano were also implicated in the Mai Kadra massacre by refugees.[7][11] Residents of Mai Kadra disagreed, according to investigations by Amnesty International, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, instead attributing the massacre to Tigrayan youths mainly from the kebele in Mai Kadra, supported by Tigray Special Forces and militia.[12][4][5]

2021

July 2021

Following defeats of the ENDF and in the Tigray War, the Fano took revenge on Tigrayan citizens in towns in Amhara region, killing people and looting shops, for instance in .[13]

See also

References

  1. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Gondar region security incident left at least three injured". . 2020-03-20. Archived from the original on 2020-12-02. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  2. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "Beyond law enforcement – Human rights violations by Ethiopian security forces in Amhara and Oromia" (PDF). Amnesty International. 2020-07-24. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-10-30. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  3. ^ Jump up to: a b c Lefort, René (2020-02-25). "Preaching unity but flying solo, Abiy's ambition may stall Ethiopia's transition". . Archived from the original on 2020-12-02. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  4. ^ Jump up to: a b "Rapid Investigation into Grave Human Rights Violations in Maikadra: Preliminary Findings" (Digital report). Addis Ababa: Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. 24 November 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-11-25. Retrieved 24 November 2020.
  5. ^ Jump up to: a b "EHRCO Preliminary Investigation Report on Major Human Rights Violations in and around Maikadra" (PDF). Ethiopian Human Rights Council. 2020-12-25. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-12-25. Retrieved 2021-01-20.
  6. ^ Jump up to: a b c Akinwotu, Emmanuel (2020-12-02). "'I saw people dying on the road': Tigray's traumatised war refugees". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2020-12-02. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  7. ^ Jump up to: a b Steers, Julia (2020-12-24). "'He's Planning to Exterminate Us All': Ethiopians Speak of Ethnic Massacres". Vice. Archived from the original on 2020-12-25. Retrieved 2020-12-25.
  8. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Fano Will Not Lay Down Arms If Demands Are Not Met: Chairman". . 2020-03-28. Archived from the original on 2020-12-02. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  9. ^ Guedouard, Charles Alcasar (2020-10-27). "Ethnic Divisions Impact Ethiopia's Attempted Political Transition". . Archived from the original on 2020-12-02. Retrieved 2020-12-02.
  10. ^ Skjerdal, Terje; Moges, Mulatu Alemayehu (2020-11-26). "The ethnification of the Ethiopian media" (PDF). Fojo Media Institute, International Media Support. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-12-24. Retrieved 2020-12-24.
  11. ^ Reuters Staff (2020-11-24). "Ethiopia commission says Tigray youth group killed 600 civilians in Nov 9 attack". Reuters. Retrieved 2021-01-19.
  12. ^ Abuelgasim, Fay; el-Mofty, Nariman; Anna, Cara (2020-12-12). "Shadowy Ethiopian massacre could be tip of the iceberg". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 2020-12-12. Retrieved 2020-12-12. It's possible that civilians from both ethnicities were targeted in Mai-Kadra, Amnesty now says.
  13. ^ "Situation Report EEPA HORN No. 185 – 12 July 2021" (PDF). Retrieved 12 July 2021.
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