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War crimes in the Tigray War

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A mass grave of civilians in Tigray[1]

War crimes have been committed during the Tigray War that started in November 2020.[2][3][4]

Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, founder of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, described the killings of Tigrayans by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) as "literally genocide by decree".[5] The elected and deposed leader of Tigray Region, Debretsion Gebremichael, stated on 27 January 2021 that the Tigrayans were being attacked "to exterminate them with bullets and weaponized hunger".[6] The age threshold above which the EDF soldiers were instructed to kill all Tigrayans varied according to sources from four years old (males only),[7] to seven years,[8] to fourteen years (males only).[9]

War crime classification

Claims of intent

In December 2020, Alex de Waal argued that Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki had "the intention of annihilating the [Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF)] and reducing Tigray to a condition of complete incapacity." De Waal argued for intent on the part of Isaias by referring to "eleven high-ranking colleagues [of Isaias], heroes of the [Eritrean War of Independence] ... and ten journalists" who were arrested in 2001 and remained missing.[2]

Also in December 2020, Rashid Abdi, interviewed by Vice, stated that there had been two years' of planning by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Isaias, who had "fears and suspicions about the TPLF", and stated that Abiy had "criminalised the entire TPLF, tagged them with treason."[4] Vice interviewed a refugee, Amanael Kahsay, who attributed part of the Mai Kadra massacre to the Amhara Fano militia, and stated "We know he is planning to exterminate us, all Tigrayans in general."[4]

On 28 January 2021, Robert I. Rotberg, a professor in governance and foreign affairs, classified the war crimes of the Tigray war using the informal term "purposeful ethnic cleansing", which he saw as "a precursor to all-out genocide". He called for the Responsibility to protect procedures to be implemented. Rotberg attributed intent to Abiy, claiming that he "had seemingly decided that [the] very existence [of Tigrayans] threatened his control of 110 million Ethiopians."[10]

Claims of starvation as a method of warfare

Main article: Famine in the Tigray War

In early April 2021, the World Peace Foundation argued that Article 8(2)(b)(xxv) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was likely to be relevant to the case of starvation in the Tigray War. The authors concluded that the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments were responsible for starvation, listing evidence in Section 4 of their report. The authors argued that "circumstantial evidence suggest[ed] that [the starvation was] intentional, systematic and widespread."[11]

Mark Lowcock, who formerly led OCHA, stated in October 2021 that the Ethiopian federal government was deliberately starving Tigray, "running a sophisticated campaign to stop aid getting in" and that there was "not just an attempt to starve six million people but an attempt to cover up what's going on."[12]

Claims of rape as a weapon of war

See also: Sexual violence in the Tigray War

According to nine doctors in Ethiopia and one in a Sudanese refugee camp interviewed by CNN, sexual violence in the Tigray War constituted rape as a weapon of war. The women treated by the doctors stated that the ENDF, EDF and Amhara soldiers who raped them described Tigrayans as having no history and culture, that the intent was to "ethnically cleans[e] Tigray", to "Amharise" them or remove their Tigrayan identity and "blood line". One of the doctors, Tedros Tefera, stated, "Practically this has been a genocide".[13] In March 2021, The Daily Telegraph argued that testimonies supported the rape as a weapon of war interpretation, stating that "Survivors, doctors, aid workers and experts speaking to the Telegraph all pointed to rape being systematically used as a weapon of war by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces".[14] Reasons for the rape that were stated to the victims included the aim of "cleansing Tigrayan blood".[15]

Crimes against humanity claims

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission claimed in November 2020 that the Mai Kadra massacre "may" constitute a crime against humanity.[3] Human Rights Concern Eritrea claimed in February 2021 that crimes against humanity occurred during the war, in particular in the "appalling treatment of Eritrean refugees in the Shimelba and Hitsats camps" and called for an immediate independent international enquiry.[16]

In its 26 February 2021 report on the Aksum massacre, Amnesty International described the indiscriminate shelling of Aksum by the ENDF and EDF in January 2021 as possibly "amount[ing] to war crimes", and the following "mass execution of Aksum civilians by Eritrean troops [as possibly] amount[ing] to crimes against humanity.[17][18][19]

Ethnic cleansing of Western Zone

In a February United States (US) government analysis, Amhara Region officials and forces were described as carrying out ethnic cleansing in Mi'irabawi Zone (Western Zone), "deliberately and efficiently rendering Western Tigray ethnically homogeneous through the organized use of force and intimidation ... Whole villages were severely damaged or completely erased." The report said that in contrast to towns with majority Tigrayan populations, towns in the western part of Tigray Region with majority Amhara populations were "thriving, with bustling shops, bars and restaurants".[20] In March, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) stated that "tens of thousands of people [had] been displaced from [Western Zone] allegedly on ethnic grounds", with 45,000 displaced people registered in Shire. UNOCHA confirmed that the zone was run by Amhara Region authorities, with humanitarian access "only possible through Amhara Region".[21]

Genocide claims

Researchers

Michaele Kahsay, 16, who was injured by artillery fire and lost the lower part of his left leg, is pictured in Mekelle, Ethiopia, 4 June 2021. His brother was also injured and he did not survive. (Yan Boechat/VOA)

In November 2020, Genocide Watch upgraded its alert status for Ethiopia as a whole to the ninth stage of genocide, extermination, referring to the Gawa Qanqa massacre, casualties of the Tigray War, 2020 Ethiopia bus attack and the Metekel massacre and listing affected groups as the Amhara, Tigrayans, Oromo, Gedeo, Gumuz, Agaw and Qemant.[22] Peace researcher and 2007 founder of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, stated on 27 January 2021 that the killings of Tigrayans by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) were "literally genocide by decree. Wherever they're moving, whomever they find, they kill him or her, [whether it's] an old man, a child, a nursing women, or anything."[5]

Peace researcher Kjetil Tronvoll stated on 27 February that for the first time in his three decades of studying Horn of Africa conflicts, he considered the possibility that the term genocide might apply to the actions of the EDF in the Tigray War. He listed separate components as widespread and systematic: massacres of civilians based on their identity as Tigrayans; sexual violence as an aspect of a genocidal campaign; deliberate looting of infrastructure and looting and destruction of food resources for inducing starvation; and destruction and looting of cultural heritage to attack cultural identity. Tronvoll suggested that seen together, the pattern of all these separate war crimes and "likely" crimes against humanity could establish genocidal intent by the EDF against Tigrayans in Tigray Region. He stated that the federal Ethiopian authorities could hold part of the responsibility by having "invited and accommodated" the EDF to participate in the Tigray War.[23]

On 20 November 2021, Genocide Watch again issued a Genocide Emergency Alert for Ethiopia, stating that "both sides are committing genocide", and that "Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's hate speech and calls for war" together with attacks by the ENDF and TPLF put Ethiopia into stages 4 (dehumanization), 6 (polarization), 8 (persecution), and 9 (extermination) of the ten stages of genocide.[24]

Politicians

The elected and deposed leader of Tigray Region, Debretsion Gebremichael, stated on 30 January 2021 that the war was a "genocidal war [that was being] waged upon the People of Tigray to illegally appropriate by force [their] identity and [their] basic right to existence." Debretsion stated that the Tigrayans were being attacked "to exterminate them with bullets and weaponized hunger".[6][25]

Military

Mohammed Tessema, head of ENDF Indoctrination, stated on 23 November 2020 that the TPLF planned to use ENDF and EDF uniforms produced at the in order carry out genocide similar to the Mai Kadra massacre and then accuse the ENDF of responsibility for the killings.[26]

Extrajudicial executions of civilians

See also: Casualties of the Tigray War § Executions

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) stated in its preliminary report on the Mai Kadra massacre that the evidence "strongly indicate[d] the commission of grave human rights violations which may amount to crimes against humanity and war crimes". The EHRC attributed the killings to local Tigrayan youths, supported by Tigrayan police.[3] Extrajudicial executions of civilians by the ENDF and EDF were also reported in and around Adigrat, Hagere Selam, Hitsats,[27] Humera,[28] Irob,[29] and Axum.[30]

Age threshold

Reports on gender distinction and the age threshold above which EDF soldiers had been instructed by their superiors to kill Tigrayans varied. A witness to the first part of the massacre in Axum stated that the EDF soldiers had been ordered to kill all Tigrayan males older than four years old.[7] Alem Berhe, who was in Mekelle on 3 November, on the evening of which the 4 November Northern Command attacks occurred, escaped to Addis Ababa after two months. Alem stated that the EDF's orders were "to exterminate you [Tigrayans] – all of you" above the age of seven years.[8] Another witness described the limit as either "any male over the age of 14" or "those who 'pee against the wall'—a reference to men".[9]

Geographical spread

A witness who spent two months walking between villages in central Tigray wrote in early February 2021 in that the towns of the area had become ghost towns and that "once the center of trade, exchange and hope, [the towns had become] the scene of war crimes that [would] never be fully articulated or persecuted."[9]

Shelling of civilian targets

Aftermath of an airstrike on Mekelle

Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported on the shelling of civilian targets that could constitute war crimes, if the risk of harm to civilians were greater than the likely military gains. HRW stated that during the early days of the war, Ethiopian forces launched artillery attacks which struck hospitals, schools, and markets in Mekelle, Humera and Shire, killing at least 83 civilians, including children, and wounding over 300. In each of these attacks, the Tigrayan special forces had already retreated. In places that had armed forces present such as Humera, the presence of local militias was too insignificant to defend the town.[31]

In Humera, local residents said artillery fire also came from Eritrea on 9 November 2020.[31]

Use of cluster bombs

On 25 February 2021, New York Times journalist Christiaan Triebert posted about the Ethiopian Air Force bombings of Samre on Twitter, positing that they were likely Soviet-era RBK-250 cluster bombs based on photo evidence.[32] The usage of cluster bombs is widely considered a war crime under international law,[33][34][35] and is specifically proscribed under the terms of the Convention on Cluster Munitions, of which Ethiopia is not a state party.[36]

Airstrikes

One of the victims of the Togoga airstrike[37]

In an airstrike on 22 June 2021, the Ethiopian Air Force killed 64 civilians in Togogwa (Southwestern Tigray) and injured 180 others.[38][39][37]

Extrajudicial executions of prisoners of war

4 November Northern Command attacks

According to Abiy Ahmed, ENDF prisoners of war were executed by the TPLF during the 4 November Northern Command attacks. Abiy stated that the "TPLF identified and separated hundreds of unarmed Ethiopian soldiers of non-Tigrayan origin, tied their hands and feet together, massacred them in cold blood, and left their bodies lying in open air." He suggested that the TPLF forces had "record[ed] themselves singing and dancing on the bodies of their victims."[40] The Tigray Regional Government has denied this.

Removal of means of survival

See also: Famine in the Tigray War

De Waal argued that the looting by the EDF of cars, generators, food stores, cattle, sheep and goats in Tigray Region was a violation of international criminal law that "prohibits a belligerent from removing, destroying or rendering useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population" (Rome Statute, Article 7, 2.(b)).[2] A witness to the massacre in Axum stated that the EDF "burned crops, ... forced farmers and priests to slaughter their own animals, ... stole medicine from health facilities and destroyed the infrastructure."[7]

During the war Ethiopian troops have been withholding food from going to Tigray civilians who have suspected links to Tigray fighters. A student based in Europe and in contact with her family in Tigray Region stated that in the Irob woreda where her family lives, "If you don't bring your father, your brothers, you don't get the aid, you'll starve."[41]

Destruction of cultural infrastructure

Alula Habteab, head of the Bureau of Construction, Road and Transport in the Transitional Government of Tigray, stated in February 2021 that the EDF, ENDF and Amhara Region forces had "completely destroyed 30 years" of infrastructure development in Tigray Region. He stated that Almeda Textile Factory, Addis Pharmaceutical Factory, Adigrat University and Aksum University were "completely destroyed".[citation needed]

Refoulement

De Waal argued that the refoulement of Eritrean refugees back to Eritrea[42][27][43] was also a violation of international law.[2]

Legal aspects

Legal bodies

Kassahun Molla Yilma, former head of Jimma University School of Law and prosecutor, argued in February 2021 that for the Mai Kadra massacre of the Tigray War and other atrocities taking place in Ethiopia, it would be in Ethiopia's interests to become party to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Among other reasons, Kassahun said that joining the ICC would "help catalyze reform regarding the legal framework regulating atrocity crimes in Ethiopia", since the provisions in the Ethiopian Criminal Code at the time "[did] not fit the nature of atrocity crimes committed [in] Ethiopia", and that the ICC would the Ethiopian justice system build capacity for investigations and prosecutions for the crimes. Kassahun said that as the ICC is a court of last resort, and since Ethiopia was not, as of February 2021, a party to the ICC, war crimes committed during the Tigray War would not be tried in the ICC.[44]

Debretsion called for Isaias and Abiy to be tried in an international court.[6]

Tampering with evidence

According to , the Transitional Government of Tigray and the ENDF removed evidence of "murder, rape, looting, displacement and destruction" related to the war crimes of the Tigray War, under orders of the federal Ethiopian government. The tampering with evidence was ordered prior to allowing visits by international media.[45]

Arrests

See also: Mai Kadra massacre § Ethiopian Federal Police

Enkuayehu Mesele, head of TPLF militias in Western Zone, was arrested in Shire in mid-December 2020. Amanuel Belete, a commander in the Northern Command, accused Enkuayehu of "countless murders and intimidation" in Baeker, Qafta and Humera, of ethnic profiling of the ENDF.[46]

International investigations and prosecutions

Belgium

The Belgian Federal Prosecutor's office stated on 2 June 2021 that it had started investigations of war crimes and crimes against humanity in Tigray Region based on testimonies from five Belgians whose family members had been executed and had property looted.[citation needed]

ACHPR

Main article: ACHPR Tigray investigation

The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights stated that it would start a Commission of Inquiry on Tigray on 17 June 2021 under Article 45 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. The Commission was planned to initially start for three months, with headquarters in Banjul, and to "conduct investigations on the ground and in neighbouring countries when the conditions are met".[47] The chair of the Commission of Inquiry, Rémy Ngoy Lumbu,[48] stated that the Commission's report would be published by the end of 2021.[49]

EHRC–OHCHR Tigray investigation

Main article: EHRC–OHCHR Tigray investigation

In mid-2021, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) launched a joint investigation into human rights violations of the Tigray War committed by all parties.[50][51][52] The EHRC–OHCHR joint investigation team's report was published on 3 November 2021.[53]

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