Neftenya

A neftenya (Amharic: ነፍጠኛ, "rifle-bearer") was a feudal lord and expansionist settler who operated in the framework of the process of territorial expansion and creation of modern Ethiopia by the late 19th century.^[1] In its literal meaning, neftenya refers to rifle bearers who settled in Ethiopia's peripheral regions, including parts of today's Oromia Region, the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region, Gambela Region, Benishangul-Gumuz Region from the late 19th century onwards.^[2] The Shewan conquerors that were described as neftenya were originally a multi-ethnic group of aristocratic rulers of the Kingdom of Shewa mostly made up of Amhara people and Oromo people who were high ranking members of Menelik II's Royal Court and their soldiers.^[3][4][5] While the Amhara who came to the south as conquerors originated from all parts of the northern highlands, all came as vassals of the specifically Shewan Amhara state. Local people, whatever their origins, were also able to assimilate into the Amhara class, by virtue of marriage, or adopting the religion, language and cultural traits of the Amhara ^[6]

Neftenya is a name often related to the ethnic Amhara, the second most populous ethnic group in Ethiopia. Historically the Shewan Amharas were not the only ones that were part of the Neftenya ruling class. Since local people, whatever their origins, were also able to assimilate into the Amhara class, by virtue of marriage, or adopting the religion, language and cultural traits of the Amhara, ^[7] it also included Tigrayans, Oromos, and Gurages,^[2] a majority of which came from the expanding Kingdom of Shewa. Shimelis Abdisa used the Amharic word neftenya (“riflemen” in English) to refer to the ruling class established in the wake of Emperor Menelik II's conquest in southern Ethiopia in the late 19th century. Abdisa’s use of the term neftenya prompted backlash given that it is often used to refer to members of Emperor Menelik II’s army after TPLF came to power in 1991.^{[8][9][10][11]}

As a result of neftenyas settling in the southern regions, other ethnic groups assimilated by into royal court culture^[12] by adopting the Amharic language, Orthodox Christianity, and other aristocratic cultural traits found in royal court culture. Both peasant Amhara culture and Ethiopian Empire royal court culture have heavily influenced each other; ^[12] this Ethiopian royal court culture (that influenced and was influenced by Amhara culture^[12]) dominated throughout the eras of military and monarchic rule.^[12] Both the imperial and the Derg government relocated numerous Amharas into southern Ethiopia where they served in government administration, courts, church and even in school, where Oromo texts were eliminated and replaced by Amharic.^[13][14][15] Until 1991 the Amhara dominated politics of Ethiopia^[16] The Abyssinian elites perceived the Oromo identity and languages as an obstacle to the expansion of Ethiopian national identity.^[17] Under the Haile Selassie Regime Oromo was banned from education, and use in administration.^[18][19][20] In 1967, the regime of Haile Selassie I outlawed the Mecha and Tuluma Self-Help Association and later instigated a wave of mass arrests and killings of its members and leaders.^[21][22] Prominent military officer and leader of the association, Colonel General Tadesse Birru, was also arrested.^[23][24] This reaction by the regime had been caused by the popularity of the organization among the Oromos and its links to the Bale Oromo resistance movement.^[25]

Establishment of administration[]

In Illubabor in the 19th century, the semi-feudal system of neftenya, balabats, and was introduced. The Shewan officials and soldiers who settled in Illubabor, known as neftenya, were assigned to a number of peasant households, or gabbars depending on their rank and position. A Dejazmach was granted 1,000 peasant households, a Fitawrari 300, a Kenyazmach 100 to 150; a Shambal 70 to 90; a Mato Alaqa 40 to 60, Hamsalaqa 25 to 35 and an ordinary soldier 5 to 10. Each peasant household had to go to the land owned by the overlord and contribute his labor as a form of tax. The overland provided food and drinks. At the end of the work, each peasant went back to their land or business. Taxes were collected from every married couple. In addition to the tax (gabbar sometimes the local farmers built the fences and homes of the overlord. They had to supply honey, butter, chicken and fattened sheep or goat on holidays. Each household had to produce fifty kilos of grounded cereals to each neftenya every month. Furthermore, the peasants had to transport grain crops to the nearest government granaries. If a gabbar failed to fulfill his duties, he would be summoned to the court.^[26] As C.F. Rey had noticed^{[citation needed]} "[...] the judges are the sub governor creatures of course take the side of the plaintiff in nine cases out of ten." The neftenyoch could pass any judgment they wanted, short of capital punishment, which required Emperor Menelik's approval.^{[citation needed]}

The Oromo recount a long history of grievance which casts them as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.^[27] Beginning from the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the adjacent Amhara community engaged in constant voracious attacks and raiding expeditions against the surrounding Oromo nation.^[28] In 1886, the city, then known as Finfinne, was renamed to Addis Ababa by Menelik II as the capital of Ethiopian Empire.^[29] Under the Haile Selassie regime Oromo was banned from education, and use in administration.^[30][31][32] The Amhara culture dominated throughout the eras of military and monarchic rule. Both the Haile Selassie and the Derg governments relocated numerous Amharas into southern Ethiopia where they served in government administration, courts, church and even in school, where Oromo texts were eliminated and replaced by Amharic.^[33][34][35] The Abyssinian elites perceived the Oromo identity and languages as hindrances to Ethiopian national identity expansion.^[36]

There has also been criticism of the terminology the OLF uses; since its formation, the OLF has used the terminology "Abyssinian colonialism" to describe the alleged colonization of ethnic Oromos by Amhara (Abyssinians) during the 1880s conquests by Emperor Menelik II. However, both Oromos and Amhara Ethiopians alike have disagreed on such strict use of the word "Abyssinians" as exclusively meaning Amhara Ethiopians, because Oromo conquests^[37] since the 1500s have led to northern Oromos being part and parcel of the Abyssinian empires centered in Gondar.^[38] One particular example used by Ethiopianist Oromos, like Merera Gudina, against OLF is the historical accounts on Oromo rule of Ethiopia in the 1700s, including the Yejju Oromos "controlling the imperial seat at Gonder for about eighty years."^[39][40] Ethiopianists claim that since Oromos were citizens of Abyssinia for several centuries (both as peasants and in its leadership), Abyssinia itself is made up of its Oromo citizens.^[41][42] Thus northern Oromos were Abyssinians, long before Emperor Menelik was born to lead the alleged "Abyssinian conquest of Oromos."^[40] Therefore, since an ethnic group cannot colonize itself, both the incorrect use of the word "Abyssinia" and the claim of "colonization of Oromo" terminology has been disputed by Ethiopianists.^[40]

Ethnic slur[]

Allusion to Amhara, the second most populous ethnic group in Ethiopia, as "neftegna" or "neftenya" (meaning "musketeers") by the government and local officials was described as "inflammatory" by Human Rights Watch in 1995.^[43] Officials of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, including, those from the ANDM (Amhara National Democratic Movement) used the term "neftenya" (gunslinger), as well as "chauvinist", "oppressor" , "Yekedmo sre’at nafaqi" (English: "one who pines for the old order"), in a "derogatory" sense during their period of rule according to Amanuel Tesfaye. ^[44] and usage in the context of the Hachalu Hundessa riots in 2020 was called "inflammatory" by Terje Skjerdal and Mulatu Alemayehu Moges, as part of their paragraph on hate speech predominating in Ethiopian media at the time.^[45] In the context of interethnic conflict, the term is used as a reference toward extreme Ethiopian nationalists, in which the suppression of the identities, languages, cultures, traditions, histories and religions of the annexed lands and conquered peoples are placed under a One-Nation, One-Language, One-Religion imperial rule based on the Amhara culture, ^[46][2] and against politicians perceived as pursuing centralising policies, an Ethiopian nationalism.^[2][47][48]

The actual flag of Menelik II.^[49][50][51]

See also[]

• Ethiopian Empire

References[]