Getelands

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Getelands
West Getelands
Getelands
Westgetelands
Native toFlemish Brabant and Limburg in Belgium
Language codes
ISO 639-3
Yellow: The area where Getelands is spoken. Orange: The area where Truierlands (East Getelands) is spoken.

Getelands (Dutch pronunciation: [ˈɣeːtəlɑnts]) or West Getelands (Dutch: Westgetelands [ʋɛstˈxeːtəlɑnts]) is a dialect spoken in the eastern part of Flemish Brabant as well as the western part of Limburg in Belgium. It is a transitional dialect between South Brabantian and .

The dialect is named after the river Gete.

Characteristics[]

The first person singular pronoun is typically the Limburgish ich, instead of Brabantian/Standard Dutch ik. The dimunitive forms are formed as in Limburgish, using the umlaut. In (sometimes called East Getelands), the plural is also formed by using the umlaut (pot-pöt), in contrast to Getelands plurals formed the Standard Dutch way (pot-potte). Both dialects share the lack of pitch accent found in most varieties of Limburgish.

Word accent in the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect shows phonetic features of accent 2 (the dragging tone) of the neighboring West Limburgish dialects.[1]

Phonology[]

This section shows the phonology of the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect, which is spoken in the Linter municipality. The dialect of Melkwezer has a similar phonology, except for the fact that the diphthong /ui/ is realized with a mid onset: [ɔi].[2]

Extent (orange) of pitch usage in Benelux, Germany and France at the beginning of the 20th century[3]
Consonant phonemes[4]
Labial Alveolar Postalveolar Dorsal Glottal
hard soft hard soft
Nasal m n ŋ
Stop fortis p t k
lenis b d
Fricative fortis f s ʃ x h
lenis v z ʒ ɣ
Approximant β l j
Trill r
  • /ʒ/ is restricted to word-initial position, and occurs only in loanwords from French. It tends to either devoice to [ʃ] or be affricated to [].[5]
  • The exact place of articulation of /x, ɣ/ varies:
    • Velar [x, ɣ] before and after back vowels and, in the case of /x/, also when it is preceded by a back vowel in an intervocalic position between stressed and unstressed syllable.[5]
    • Palatal [ç, ʝ] before and after front vowels and, in the case of /x/, also after /ə/.[5]
  • /h/ may be dropped by some speakers.[5]
  • /r/ has a few possible realizations, none of which are uvular. This stands in contrast to most varieties of Limburgish, where /r/ is a uvular trill or fricative.
    • Apical trill [r] or an apical fricative [ɹ̝] before a stressed vowel in word-initial syllables.[5]
    • Intervocalically and in the onset after a consonant, it may be a tap [ɾ].[5]
    • Word-final /r/ is highly variable; the most frequent variants are an apical fricative trill [], an apical fricative [ɹ̝] and an apical non-sibilant affricate [dɹ̝]. The last two variants tend to be voiceless ([ɹ̝̊, tɹ̝̊]) in pre-pausal position.[5]
    • The sequence /ər/ can be vocalized to [ɐ] or [ə].[6]
Monophthongs of the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect, from Peters (2010:241)
Vowel phonemes[7]
Front Central Back
unrounded rounded
short long short long short long short long
Close ɪ ⟨i⟩ ⟨ie⟩ ʏ ⟨u⟩ ⟨uu⟩ ʊ ⟨oe⟩ ⟨oê⟩
Close-mid ɛ ⟨e⟩ ⟨ee⟩ œ ⟨ö⟩ øː ⟨eu⟩ ə ⟨e⟩ ɔ ⟨ó⟩ ⟨oo⟩
Open-mid ɛː ⟨ae⟩ œː ⟨äö⟩
Open a ⟨a⟩ ⟨aa⟩ ɒ ⟨o⟩ ɒː ⟨ao⟩
Marginal y ⟨uu⟩   o ⟨oo⟩
Diphthongs closing ui ⟨oei⟩   ei ⟨eej⟩   øy ⟨euj⟩   əu ⟨oow⟩   ɛi ⟨ei⟩   œy ⟨ui⟩   ɞu ⟨ou⟩   ai ⟨ai⟩   au ⟨au⟩
centering ⟨ieë⟩   ⟨eeë⟩   ɛə ⟨aeë⟩   ɔə ⟨oa⟩
  • The open central vowels are phonologically back in that they trigger velar allophones of /x/ and /ɣ/.
  • Among the long rounded vowels, /yː, uː, ɒː/ before /t, d/ within the same syllable vary between monophthongs [, , ɒː] and centering diphthongs [yə, uə, ɒə], which often are disyllabic [ʏy.ə, ʊu.ə, ɒu.ə] (with the first portion realized as a closing diphthong). At least in the case of [yə] and [uə], the tongue movement may be so slight that they are sometimes better described as lip-diphthongs [yɪ, uɯ̽]. In the same environment, /øː/ can be disyllabic [øy.ə].[8] For the sake of simplicity, those allophones are transcribed [yə, uə, ɒə, øə] in phonetic transcription.
  • There are two additional short tense vowels [y] and [o] (realized with more tenseness and stronger lip-rounding than the native short [ʏ, ɔ]), which appear only in a few French loanwords. Their status as phonemes separate from the long tense /yː/ and /oː/ is unclear; Peters treats them as marginal phonemes.[8]
  • /ɔə/ occurs only before alveolar consonants. Phonetically, it varies between [ɔə ~ ɔu.ə ~ ɔʌ̈], and in that regard it patterns with /yː, uː, ɒː/, though it never surfaces as a monophthong.[8] For that reason, it is treated as an underlying centering diphthong.
  • Stressed short vowels cannot occur in open syllables. Exceptions to this rule are high-frequency words like wa /βa/ 'what' and loanwords from French.[8]

References[]

  1. ^ Peters (2010), p. 243.
  2. ^ Peters (2010), pp. 239, 242.
  3. ^ Fournier, Rachel; Gussenhoven, Carlos; Peters, Jörg; Swerts, Marc; Verhoeven, Jo. "The tones of Limburg". Archived from the original on 26 February 2012. Retrieved 26 February 2012.
  4. ^ Peters (2010), pp. 239–240.
  5. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Peters (2010), p. 240.
  6. ^ Peters (2010), p. 245.
  7. ^ Peters (2010), pp. 240–242.
  8. ^ Jump up to: a b c d Peters (2010), p. 242.

Bibliography[]

  • Belemans, R.; Keulen, R. (2004): Taal in stad en land. Belgisch-Limburgs: 25
  • Belemans, R.; Kruijsen, J.; Van Keymeulen, J. (1998): Gebiedsindeling van de zuidelijk-Nederlandse dialecten, Taal en Tongval jg 50, 1 online
  • Goossens, J. (1965): Die Gliederung des Südniederfränkischen, in Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, 30: 79-94.
  • Pauwels, J.L.; Morren, L. (1960): De grens tussen het Brabants en Limburgs in België. In: Zeitschrift für Mundartforschung 27. blz. 88-96.
  • Peters, Jörg (2010), "The Flemish–Brabant dialect of Orsmaal–Gussenhoven", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40 (2): 239–246, doi:10.1017/S0025100310000083
  • Stevens, A. (1978): Struktuur en historische ondergrond van het Haspengouws taallandschap (Mededelingen van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde, Nr. 9). Hasselt
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